Prabowo-Gibran’s One-Year Report Card From A Gender Perspective

One year in, the Prabowo-Gibran administration faces intense scrutiny. Konde.co examines it from a gender and human rights perspective across 13 critical issues. This coverage includes an interactive feature where you can participate in providing your assessment.

Luthfi Maulana Adhari & Anita Dhewy

One year into the Prabowo-Gibran administration, various unresolved inequalities remain. Despite campaign promises of prosperity and equality, a number of policies have actually created new challenges for women, workers, and vulnerable groups.

Konde.co summarizes these findings in “The Prabowo-Gibran Administration Report Card from a Gender Perspective,” which compiles 13 crucial issues from the records of civil society movements. Through this interactive feature, we can explore each issue, read a summary of the findings, and give us own assessment of the administration’s first year in office.

Select Issues for Evaluation

1. Gender Inequality, “A Regime that Turns its Back on Women”

An in-depth analysis of gender inequality and policies that do not favor women in one year of Prabowo-Gibran’s administration.

2. Papua Still Wounded, An Inch Away from Weapons

The humanitarian situation in Papua is deteriorating with increasing military violence and human rights violations against civilians.

3. Economic Policies that Ignore Women

Analysis of gender-exclusive economic policies and their impact on economic inequality.

4. Free Nutritious Meals Ending in Tragedy

The Free Nutritious Meals Program has caused various problems, from food poisoning to conflicts of interest.

5. Human Rights Falling by the Wayside in an Era of Remilitarization

The erosion of human rights and civil liberties amid the growing influence of the military in government.

6. Gender and Sexual Minorities in State Terror

Increased repression against LGBT communities and gender and sexual minorities in Indonesia.

7. Symptoms of Remilitarization

Signs of the return of military influence in civilian life and government.

8. National Strategic Projects: Continuing the Legacy or Repeating Old Problems?

Evaluation of National Strategic Projects that often cause agrarian conflicts and human rights violations.

9. Extractive Industries Increasingly Attractive and Repressive

Increased exploitation of natural resources accompanied by repression of local communities.

10. Basic Services Collapse in the First Year

Decline in the quality of basic public services such as education, health, and infrastructure.

11. “Education Losing Its Constitutional Direction”

Education policies that deviate from the constitutional mandate and are not impartial to justice.

12. Vanishing Employment Promises and an Anxious Golden Generation

Employment policies that fail to protect workers, especially women and young people.

13. Are Free Health Checks Inclusive? How About Taxes on Sweetened and Addictive Products?

Evaluating free health programs and fiscal policies related to health products.

Speaking of the gender lens, gender equality is one of the main commitments in Prabowo-Gibran’s Asta Cita. However, data from the World Economic Forum still ranks Indonesia 100th in the world in the Gender Inequality Index.

The maternal mortality rate, which reached 4,151 cases, indicates the fragility of the public health care system, which is still unable to reach women in remote areas. At the same time, data from the Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS) shows that the female poverty rate is 9.1%, higher than that of men. These figures illustrate the face of inequality that has grown alongside biased policies.

Free Nutritious Meals Ending in Tragedy

The latest data from CISDI as of October 24, 2025, recorded 11,585 cases of food poisoning in 24 provinces. This figure has increased dramatically from the previous month’s report (6,924 cases) in Konde.co’s September report. This shows that the problem is not only continuing but getting worse.

The problem with MBG is not only food poisoning. CISDI highlights the return of the outdated “4 Healthy 5 Perfect” paradigm, which includes high-sugar flavored milk, formula milk, and packaged complementary foods in the menu. This clearly contradicts Government Regulation No. 28 of 2024, which prohibits formula milk products from being included in community nutrition interventions.

In the field, health cadres, most of whom are female posyandu volunteers, are now burdened with the additional task of distributing MBG packages without clear incentives. They are not equipped with adequate information about the menu distributed to pregnant women, breastfeeding mothers, and toddlers.

The MBG program consumes an allocation of Rp335 trillion in the 2026 Draft State Budget — larger than the combined allocations for teacher allowances, the School Operational Fund (BOS), and scholarships. However, this large amount of funding is not matched by clear regulations. To date, there is still no Presidential Regulation on the MBG program. CISDI assesses that quick win programs such as the MBG have the potential to disrupt existing health programs that are running well, if there are no efforts to harmonize them.

Economic Policies That Ignore Women

One year of Prabowo-Gibran’s administration has shown a gender-biased and populist fiscal policy direction. The fourth Asta Cita promise on strengthening the role of women was not accompanied by a real budget commitment. The focus of spending has shifted from social services and protection for victims of violence to large populist programs such as Free Nutritious Meals (MBG) and the Merah Putih Village Cooperative (Kopdes).

The 2025 State Budget projects revenue of Rp 3,005.1 trillion with a deficit of Rp 616.2 trillion (2.53% of GDP). However, the tax ratio has actually fallen to 10.03% of GDP, below the target of 10.24%.

Human Rights Collapse in the Era of Remilitarization

One year after Prabowo Subianto and Gibran Rakabuming Raka officially took power, the human rights landscape in Indonesia looks increasingly bleak.

Three human rights institutions—YLBHI, Amnesty International Indonesia, and KontraS—have issued similar statements: this administration has taken Indonesia backward toward a new authoritarianism. The numbers of violations, repression, and silencing form a systematic and structured pattern, marking the most severe erosion of citizens’ rights since the 1998 reform.

According to Amnesty International Indonesia, throughout 2025 at least 5,538 people were victims of violence by the authorities when protested state policies, ranging from the passing of the revised TNI Law in March, labor actions in May, to large demonstrations in August-September. None of the perpetrators of violence were prosecuted; the formation of a Joint Fact-Finding Team (TGPF) was simply cancelled.

Meanwhile, KontraS recorded 44 people reported missing—33 of whom were later found in secret detention without access to family or lawyers. The fate of two individuals, Muhammad Farhan Hamid and Reno Syahputra Dewo, remains unknown.

YLBHI recorded that 5,444 people were arrested and nearly 1,000 were named as suspects, with more than 1,000 others injured in what they called “the biggest criminalization of citizens since the reform era.”

The wave of protests in August-September is seen as a symbol of how the state has chosen violence as its language of dialogue with the people. President Prabowo himself has accused the protesters of being “anarchists” and “terrorists.”

Amidst widespread repression, one major pattern emerged, namely the return of the military to the civilian sphere. Amnesty called the revision of the TNI Law and the formation of 100 Territorial Development Battalions a milestone in the remilitarization of the government. In one year, the number of territorial commands increased from 15 to 21 Kodam, with plans to reach 37 Kodam by 2029.

KontraS assesses this phenomenon as a “security sector reform emergency.” The military is considered to have returned as the dominant force in civilian affairs, while the National Police has shown a pattern of repeated violence- , with 173 instances of involvement as perpetrators of human rights violations over the course of a year.

A year has passed, and none of the promises to enforce human rights have been fulfilled. The resolution of past cases of gross human rights violations remains stalled. Government officials have even refused to acknowledge incidents of human rights violations with a project to rewrite history that reinforces impunity.

Symptoms of a Remilitarized Regime

The argument often used by the government and the TNI to justify the TNI’s entry into the civilian sphere is that the TNI is responsible for food security, energy security, and natural resource security.

The securitization of these three issues has become a gateway for the TNI to enter the civilian sphere and open up business opportunities for TNI members. The TNI’s involvement in agricultural issues and its role in priority programs must be corrected because it has strayed far from the defense functions that the TNI should be carrying out.

Symptoms of a Remilitarized Regime

The rapid revision of the TNI Law expands the military’s authority in civilian areas through the concept of Military Operations Other Than War (OMSP).

Since Prabowo became president, the TNI has become increasingly active in the civilian sphere; the revision of the TNI Law allows the TNI to be involved in government affairs, food, energy, and business.

Supporting Data/Figures: Since Prabowo became president, the TNI has become increasingly active in the civilian sphere; the revision of the TNI Law allows the TNI to be involved in government affairs, food, energy, and business.

Impact or Implications: Deviates from the mandate of the 1945 Constitution; the TNI is moving away from its purely defensive function.

Gender Aspects and Specific Impacts: Increases the risk of gender-based violence and silencing of women activists in the civilian sphere.

Massive expansion of the TNI-AD organizational structure without public consultation or DPR involvement.

The TNI added 6 new Military Commands (total of 21 Military Commands); formed 100 Development Territorial Battalions (BTP) in 2025, with a total of 514 BTP planned by 2029; formed Production Companies in each Military District Command (366 Military District Commands) with agriculture, livestock, fisheries, and health units.

The TNI added 6 new Kodam (military commands) (for a total of 21 Kodam); formed 100 Territorial Development Battalions (BTP) in 2025, with a total of 514 BTP planned by 2029; and formed Production Companies in every Kodim (366 Kodim) with units for agriculture, livestock, fisheries, and health.

Increased fiscal burden on the state; changed the regional power map and strengthened military influence in local government.

Women and civil society are vulnerable to losing their space for participation; increased control and intimidation in rural areas.

Surge in the number of military personnel and reserve components (Komcad).

Each BTP contains ±700 personnel → potential addition of 360,000 TNI-AD personnel by 2029; Production Companies add 126,000 personnel; Komcad plans under Kodim reach 512,000 personnel.

Indonesia has the potential to experience structural remilitarization; strengthening the state’s dependence on armed forces.

The expansion of the military increases the risk of violence and impunity in the field, including against women and vulnerable groups.

TNI involvement in the implementation of government programs.

The TNI is involved in: Free Nutritious Meals, Food Estate, Food Self-Sufficiency Task Force, Food Brigade, Merah Putih Cooperative, Forest Area Control Task Force, pharmaceutical & palm oil businesses.

Military involvement in the people’s economy disrupts civilian roles, reinforces the securitization of food and resources.

Women farmers are losing access to land, experiencing marginalization in food production, and are vulnerable to exploitation as cheap labor.

There is a lack of transparency and public control over the expansion of the TNI.

There has been no public discussion or political decision regarding the formation of the new structure; the House of Representatives has not played an active role in oversight.

Threatens democracy; weakens defense accountability; normalizes military presence in civilian affairs.

The strengthening of military patriarchy hinders women’s involvement in public spaces and regional policy.

The space for impunity in the military justice system is still maintained.

YLBHI: Violations of law and human rights by soldiers are often beyond the reach of civil law.

The risk of corruption and human rights violations is increasing; it is difficult to hold the military accountable.

Women victims of military violence do not have access to justice; social trauma continues.

In its press release, YLBHI stated that food securitization does not mean that the TNI must produce food itself. The TNI’s involvement in food issues could damage the food economy, which is mostly carried out by landless farmers, small traders, and household producers.

According to YLBHI, the military’s readiness to take over these civilian spaces is inseparable from the continued existence of territorial commands. This is a structure unique to the Indonesian military, which was used optimally during the New Order era to implement the practice of dual function.

Now, this territorial command structure has been strengthened with the creation of new military commands (Kodam) in each province. The formation of new Kodam shows that the government has reversed the reform agenda, which mandated the elimination of the state within the state and the restructuring of the military to follow the structure of the civilian government.

Based on all these facts, YLBHI concludes that the TNI has strayed from its role as an instrument of the state to maintain national defense and sovereignty. The TNI has entered an era of “multifunctionality” that may be even more powerful than when it had a dual function.

The expansion of the organization and the addition of battalions, as well as the shift in orientation from combat to agriculture, are very worrying. The TNI could forget its military duties and become immersed in civilian affairs that have nothing to do with defense. The securitization of food, energy, and natural resources should not be carried out through the militarization of these sectors.

All of these processes are taking place quietly. There has been no public discussion or democratic political decision regarding the country’s defense posture, which involves a massive expansion of the military organization. There is no transparency regarding the direction of the Republic of Indonesia’s defense. Even the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) believes that members of the House of Representatives do not seem to dare to question these developments, even though they know that the risks to Indonesian democracy will be significant.

On the other hand, YLBHI revealed that the military court system, which has long been a space of impunity for military personnel who violate the law and human rights, continues to be maintained. This will certainly be dangerous in the future if practices of , violations of the law, corruption, or crimes by the military are discovered, as it will be difficult to hold them accountable.

Papua Still Wounded, an Inch from the Gun

One year into the administration of President Prabowo Subianto and Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka, the human rights and security situation in Papua has deteriorated significantly.

Analysis of data from the Human Rights Monitor (HRM) Quarterly Report for the period January to June 2025 reveals a worrying and recurring pattern. The repressive and military-oriented approach to security has not only been maintained, but has been consolidated and intensified, in stark contrast to the promises of peace and prosperity that were made.

Papua Still Wounded, an Inch from Weapons
Escalation of armed violence

Q1 2025: 6 fatalities (6 cases); Q2: 16 fatalities (9 cases)

Increased human rights violations and civil insecurity

Women and children are most vulnerable during conflict, many becoming internally displaced persons

Forced disappearances increase dramatically

From 0 victims (Q1) → 8 victims (1 case, Q2)

The state fails to protect its citizens and reinforces a culture of impunity

Wives/families of victims face trauma and economic uncertainty

Torture and violence increase

Persecution: >11 victims (8 cases, Q1) → >35 victims (14 cases, Q2)

Violations of international humanitarian law

Sexual violence against women often goes unreported and is difficult to verify

Mass displacement due to military operations

IDPs rose from 86,886 (Apr 2025) → 97,721 (Jun 2025)

Humanitarian crisis and loss of access to basic services

Women bear a double burden: caring for children and seeking livelihoods in displacement

Restrictions on civil liberties and freedom of expression

Cases increased from >3 victims → >12 victims

Violations of citizens’ political and social rights

Papuan women activists are often criminalized when voicing protests

Attacks on journalists and human rights defenders

>17 victims (Q2); Molotov cocktail attack on Jubi office

Direct threats to press freedom

Women journalists face double violence (sexual and political)

Discrepancy between policy and Papuan aspirations

FOR PAPUA The Indonesian People’s Consultative Assembly urges the cessation of military operations, but is ignored

The government fails to open an inclusive dialogue

Papuan women are not involved in the decision-making process

Papuan officials’ support for militarization

Human Rights Minister Natalius Pigai supports new military posts

Internal legitimization of structural repression

Eroding public trust in local leaders and the state

HRM data for the first and second quarters of 2025 consistently show a worsening trend of violence. In Q1, there were 6 victims of murder in 6 cases, a figure that rose dramatically in Q2 to 16 victims in 9 cases. A similar spike was seen in cases of enforced disappearance, from 0 victims in Q1 to 8 victims in 1 case in Q2. Victims of torture also increased from 11 victims in 8 cases (Q1) to more than 35 victims in 14 cases (Q2).

This pattern of violations did not occur in a vacuum. Reports documented large-scale military operations in Intan Jaya, Puncak, Nduga, and Yahukimo that were often accompanied by the burning of homes, bombing near civilian settlements, extrajudicial executions, and torture. As a result, the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) swelled from 86,886 people as of April 2025 (Q1) to 97,721 people as of June 2025 (Q2). This is clear evidence that security operations actually trigger civilian suffering and massive population displacement.

Most recently, on October 15, 2025, a bloody tragedy occurred when the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) killed 15 Papuans in Soanggama. One of the victims of this tragedy, known as “Bloody Soanggama,” was a pregnant woman, according to records from the Local Team for Humanitarian Care for the Papuan People.

The militaristic approach also has an impact on civil liberties. Freedom of expression and assembly continue to be silenced. From Q1 to Q2, the number of victims of freedom of expression increased from more than 3 victims in 3 cases to more than a dozen in 3 cases.

Peaceful protests, including student demonstrations against the MBG program, which is considered to involve the military, are often dispersed with violence, tear gas, and mass arrests.

The criminalization of human rights defenders and journalists was also noted, with Q2 reporting more than 17 victims in 4 cases. The unresolved case of a Molotov cocktail attack on the Jubi media office has become a symbol of impunity and a threat to press freedom.

HRM also notes a wide gap between government policy and the aspirations of the Papuan people. The Papuan People’s Communication and Aspiration Forum (FOR PAPUA MPR RI) has urged an end to security approaches that are considered ineffective and worsen the conditions of civilians. Unfortunately, this call has been ignored. Ironically, Human Rights Minister Natalius Pigai, who is from Papua, actually supports the construction of new military posts, showing how the central government’s policies are often out of step with the real voices and needs of the Papuan people.

One year of Prabowo-Gibran’s administration has not brought fresh air to the resolution of the conflict in Papua. On the contrary, data from the two HRM reports actually shows the reinforcement of the New Order’s militaristic approach, which has proven to be unsuccessful in creating lasting peace. The government seems to prefer to use violence and repression rather than opening up space for inclusive dialogue, rooting out injustice, and resolving the root causes of the conflict.

Gender and Sexuality Minorities in State Terror

Based on a report by Konde.co covering the period from October 2024 to June 2025, there were 66 cases of criminalization and discrimination against gender and sexuality minorities throughout Indonesia.

This figure is not just a statistic, but a portrait of how the daily lives of the LGBT community are increasingly restricted by state-sanctioned policies and violence.

Populist Economic Policies that Ignore Women
Criminalization of the LGBT community

66 cases of discrimination & criminalization (Oct 2024–Jun 2025); 39 by authorities

The state as perpetrator of systematic violence

Raids and forced testing

56 men arrested in Jakarta; 75 people forced to undergo HIV testing in Bogor

Violations of human rights, privacy, and public health

Regulations pathologizing sexual orientation

Minister of Health Regulation No. 2/2025 classifies LGBT as a “disorder”; encourages conversion therapy

Legitimization of psychological torture

Censorship and negative labelling in education

Broadcasting Bill and West Java Governor’s Instruction: LGBT students are considered “delinquent”

Institutional discrimination in education

Official stigmatization by state officials

Wantannas: LGBT people called a “threat to the state” (Nov. 14, 2024)

The state institutionalizes hatred

Militarization and civil repression

6 out of 10 BGN officials are former TNI/Polri personnel; officials involved in “moral guidance”

Normalization of military control over civilians

Legal and social violence

Riau Regional Police dismiss 42 personnel; flogging in Aceh; arrest of queer public figures

Exclusion from employment, public services, and cultural spaces

Individual cases as symbols of repression

Ratu Thalisa (2 years and 10 months in prison); Isa Zega reported to the police

Criminalization of self-expression and freedom of religion

In the first year of the Prabowo-Gibran administration, the state has acted not as a protector, but as a perpetrator of systematic violence. Of the 66 cases, 39 were carried out directly by government officials or law enforcement.

Various forms of repression were carried out: raids, arrests, forced testing, and the public disclosure of personal data.

In South Jakarta, officials raided a bar in the Permata Hijau area accused of hosting an “LGBT party.” At the Rasuna Hotel, 56 men were arrested on similar charges. Meanwhile, in Bogor, a queer community event ended with 75 people being forced to undergo HIV testing ( ), the results of which were then disseminated without permission. A similar incident occurred in Surabaya.

These actions show that state repression against sexual minorities is now being carried out openly and blatantly, under the pretext of morality and order.

This violence does not occur in a vacuum. It is institutionalized through state policies that reinforce stigma and discrimination.

One example is Minister of Health Regulation No. 2 of 2025, which explicitly classifies different sexual orientations as “disorders” and encourages conversion therapy—a method that has been recognized internationally as a form of psychological torture.

Not only that, the Draft Revision of the Broadcasting Law is currently being discussed with articles that will expand censorship of LGBT-themed content, on the grounds of “protecting children.” At the same time, West Java Governor Dedi Mulyadi’s instruction categorizes students who are considered LGBT as “delinquent students” who must be educated in educational barracks.

When policies like this come from official institutions, discrimination is no longer considered a violation, but rather a norm legitimized by the state.

The peak of stigmatization came on November 14, 2024, when the Secretary General of the National Security Council (Wantannas), Laksdya T.S.N.B. Hutabarat, stated that LGBT people were included in the list of priority threats to the state in 2025. This statement, made at an official forum of the Indonesian House of Representatives without any scientific basis, became a justification for repressive actions in various regions.

When the state labels the existence of its citizens as a threat, all forms of violence against them are considered legitimate.

The Prabowo-Gibran administration has also been marked by militarization in civil administration. The dominance of former TNI and Polri officers in various institutions, including the National Nutrition Agency/BGN (six of the ten top officials have a military background), shows how the security mindset permeates all public affairs—even food and education.

In Sukabumi and Cianjur, TNI officers were involved in “moral guidance” for students who were considered to have different sexual orientations. This symbolic violence shows how state policies create fear in schools, making gender identity something that must be corrected, not respected.

In the regions, repression has become increasingly brutal. In Aceh, two students were sentenced to flogging under the Qanun Jinayat for allegedly engaging in same-sex relations. Meanwhile, in Surabaya, the Public Order Agency (Satpol PP) raided transgender street workers on the grounds that they were “disturbing the peace.”

Even within the police force itself, discrimination is institutionalized. The Metro Jaya Regional Police fired one of its members for being “suspected of being LGBT,” while the Riau Regional Police fired 42 personnel for similar reasons.

From the central to regional levels, this pattern of repression is the same, with morality being used as a tool of power to suppress those who are different.

Amidst widespread repression, many people’s lives have changed drastically. Ratu Thalisa, a queer content creator, was sentenced to two years and ten months in prison for posting satire that was considered blasphemous. Isa Zega, a transgender public figure, was reported to the police after performing the Umrah pilgrimage with her own gender identity.

Hundreds of other transgender women cannot access BPJS (Indonesian health insurance) because their identity documents do not match their gender identity. All of this makes life for the LGBT community in Indonesia increasingly difficult, erased from data, banned from appearing in public, and even imprisoned for being themselves.

Collapsing Basic Services in the First Year

During the first year of Prabowo Subianto and Gibran Rakabuming Raka’s administration, crucial issues regarding public services, especially those closely related to women such as education, day care, and clean water, still haunt Indonesia’s human development achievements.

Basic Services Collapse in the First Year
Damage to educational infrastructure

Elementary schools: 49% moderately damaged, 11% severely damaged; junior high schools: 42% & 7%; senior high schools: 33% & 6%; vocational high schools: 33% & 3%

Six out of ten elementary schools are unfit for use, hindering the quality of national education

Girls in remote areas are vulnerable to dropping out of school due to unsafe facilities

Lack of basic school facilities

Approximately 10,000 educational units are severely damaged; many without clean water/toilets

Decreased motivation to learn and children’s health

Poor sanitation has a major impact on female students’ reproductive health

Lack of national daycare regulations

2,471 daycare centers (2,440 private, 31 public); 44% illegal

Childcare services without safety and quality standards

Working women find it difficult to obtain affordable childcare support

Inequality in access to daycare

Majority in cities/large companies; almost none in rural areas

Increasing inequality between social classes

Female workers are forced to choose between work and childcare

Minimal costs and supervision

Hundreds of thousands of rupiah per child per month; 58 official daycare centers since 2021

Economic exploitation of working families

High financial burden on working mothers, exacerbating economic gender inequality

National clean water crisis

102 districts in 16 provinces affected; 28 million people facing clean water shortages

Ecological and public health crisis

Women must travel further to obtain water, adding to their unpaid workload

Poor water management

Only 25% of water resources are optimally managed

Decreased environmental and social resilience

Poor households—led by women—are most affected by drought and poor sanitation

Behind the discourse of large-scale infrastructure development, the real conditions on the ground show how fragile the foundations for producing a superior generation and ensuring the welfare of citizens still are.

The latest data reveals the heart breaking condition of the national education infrastructure, which is the government’s primary responsibility. In 2025, the condition of educational infrastructure in Indonesia will still be very concerning. Nationally, the majority of schools are in a worrying state of disrepair:

Elementary Schools (SD): 49% are moderately damaged and 11% are severely damaged. This means that 6 out of 10 elementary schools are in poor condition.
Junior High Schools (SMP): 42% are moderately damaged and 7% are severely damaged.
Senior High Schools (SMA): 33% are moderately damaged and 6% are severely damaged.
Vocational High Schools (SMK): 33% moderately damaged and 3% severely damaged.

This condition is particularly critical in frontier and outermost regions, where around 10,000 educational units are still listed as being in moderate to severe disrepair. This physical damage is exacerbated by a lack of vital basic facilities, such as access to clean water, proper toilets, and libraries.

This situation is exacerbated by a lack of basic facilities such as clean water and proper toilets, which creates an uninspiring learning environment for millions of students.

However, there is another fundamental problem that has not received serious attention regarding public services, namely the regulation of daycare centres. One year into this administration, Indonesia still does not have comprehensive and binding legislation to regulate operational standards, caregiver quality, and daycare safety.

The government is considered slow in issuing Government Regulations (PP) or other derivative regulations that specifically regulate this matter. Without a strong legal framework, early childhood stimulation programs and support for working families will be halting and full of loopholes.

According to data from the National Socioeconomic Survey (Susenas 2023), there are approximately 30.2 million children aged 0-6 years in Indonesia. However, in 2024, there were only 2,471 officially registered daycare centers (TPA) throughout the country. Of that number, 2,440 TPA are privately managed and only 31 TPA are owned by local governments. This means that almost all daycare centers are private. As many as 44% of daycare centers operate illegally without official permits. Only 58 daycare centers have been officially registered since 2021, indicating a lack of registered services.

Childcare services are mostly available in urban or office areas (company daycare centers) and densely populated communities. In industrial areas/big cities, they are usually only available to employees of large companies (CSR-based daycare centers).

Many workers do not have access to these services due to distance or cost. Conversely, in rural and remote areas, there are almost no formal daycare centers, so parents rely on informal solutions (e.g., housewives, neighbors). Research has mapped the types of daycare centers: private independent, company-based, local community, and very few government-run (generally only facilities for civil servants).

Because the majority are private, daycare costs are quite high, making them unaffordable for many working families (e.g., hundreds of thousands of rupiah per child per month). The lack of supervision and formal licensing raises concerns about safety standards and quality of care. In addition, there is no national legal framework that clearly regulates daycare.

As a result, many workers find it difficult to find affordable and child-friendly daycare, especially for low-income workers. This situation has prompted labor unions to demand the provision of childcare facilities as part of workers’ welfare guarantees.

Furthermore, the issue of clean water remains an unresolved challenge during Prabowo-Gibran’s first year in office. The prediction of a clean water crisis by 2025 is no longer a mere exaggeration. A total of 102 districts in 16 provinces have experienced drought, with 28 million people struggling to access clean water. This crisis is triggered by climate change and mismanagement, with only 25% of water resources being managed optimally.

In the midst of this situation, the government is required to come up with concrete and measurable strategies, not just emergency responses, but by building sustainable infrastructure and improving national water management.

Vanishing Employment Promises and an Anxious Golden Generation

In the first year of the Prabowo-Gibran administration, the promise of creating 19 million new jobs remains a distant dream.

Instead of welcoming the “Golden Generation 2045” with optimism, young people, including women, are overshadowed by anxiety about a bleak future.

Layoffs have been a real threat since early 2025. Although official data from the Ministry of Manpower recorded 26,455 people affected as of May, data from the Indonesian Employers Association (APINDO) and the Workers Union Coalition is far more shocking, with 70,000 to 73,992 workers losing their livelihoods.

The impact is even more profound for female workers. Many of them work in the manufacturing and trade sectors—the sectors hardest hit by layoffs. As the main breadwinners for their families, layoffs affecting women have a direct impact on the reduction of basic necessities, disruption of children’s access to education, and reduced access to health services.

Safety nets such as the Job Loss Insurance (JKP) are also considered to be biased towards formal workers with long-term contracts, leaving many women workers in the informal and vulnerable sectors without protection.

The labor flexibility promoted by policies such as the Omnibus Law on Job Creation has backfired on female workers. Outsourcing and short-term contracts are becoming increasingly common, and in practice, often hinder women’s access to maternity rights.

Although menstrual and maternity leave are guaranteed by law, in reality, workers with contract or “partner” status (such as in the gig economy) often do not receive them. Ambiguous legal status allows companies to wash their hands of their obligations to pay severance pay, BPJS, and other normative labor rights, including maternity leave. An ILO study shows that maternity leave in Indonesia is only 12 weeks, which is lower than the standard in many countries, and even this minimal right is often not optimally fulfilled, especially in sectors that rely on outsourced labor.

One of Prabowo’s most highlighted campaign promises was his commitment to protect domestic workers (PRT). In his Labor Day speech, he promised to finalize and pass the Domestic Workers Protection Bill (PPRT) within three months. However, this promise has yet to be fulfilled. Five months after the speech, the PPRT bill, which has been circulating for more than 21 years, is still being discussed in the House of Representatives with no certainty of passage. This bill is a symbol of human rights protection and social justice for millions of workers who have been working without legal recognition and protection and often face violence in private work spaces.

The workplace is still not a safe space for women. The 2024 Annual Report on Violence Against Women (CATAHU) recorded 2,702 cases of violence against female workers. Even more concerning is that many reports of cases were reversed, which actually harmed the victims.

In addition to sexual violence, basic rights for women in the workplace, such as menstrual leave and maternity leave, are often ignored. Wage discrimination and threats of dismissal against women who dare to demand their rights remain common practices.

Amidst the promise of 19 million jobs, the reality faced by young job seekers is bitter. The Open Unemployment Rate (TPT) may have fallen to 4.76% (7.28 million people), but this figure hides a surge in underemployment, which has reached 11.67 million people. They are forced to work part-time for low wages and without benefits.

The stories of Afra (24), a fresh graduate who has applied for more than 100 jobs without success, and Gita (23), a midwife who has difficulty finding work due to unreasonable experience requirements, were previously written about by Konde.co in the article The Golden Generation Plagued by Anxiety: Spotlight on the Employment Situation at the Beginning of the Prabowo-Gibran Regime, is a reflection of millions of “Golden Generation” members who are actually plagued by anxiety. They are trapped in the vortex of the gig economy, the informal sector, or hidden unemployment.

“Education Losing Its Constitutional Direction”

Construction of Public Schools (SR) for underprivileged boarding school students from elementary to high school.

165 SRs will be built by October 2025, accommodating 15,945 students. The target is 500 SRs by 2029.

165 SRs will be built by October 2025, accommodating 15,945 students. The target is 500 SR by 2029.

Potential to increase social segregation and stigma between economic classes.

Girls are at higher risk of violence and social control in boarding school environments.

Low effectiveness in reducing school dropout rates.

There are 3.9 million school dropouts (76% due to economic reasons); SR only accommodates 0.33%.

The impact on social inclusion is small; educational interventions do not address the root causes of poverty.

Girls from poor families tend to be given lower priority for schooling.

The SR curriculum is based on vocational skills, character, independence, and national values.

143 teachers and 115 students resigned due to distance and boarding school rules.

This shows the unpreparedness of the system; rigid rules cause psychological pressure.

Boarding school discipline and strict rules have the potential to suppress women’s freedom.

Involvement of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) in the learning process at SR.

Routine marching activities every morning.

The educational atmosphere is too militaristic, not in line with child-centered education principles.

Strict discipline reinforces gender stereotypes and the subordination of women.

Decrease in the education budget to finance the Free Nutritious Meals (MBG) program.

The 2026 state budget for education is only 14%, below the mandate of Article 31 paragraph 4 of the Constitution (20%).

Potential constitutional violations and a decline in the quality of public education services.

Budget cuts worsen poor women’s access to education.

The government has not implemented the Constitutional Court’s ruling on free basic education.

4.1 million children are not in school, mostly due to economic factors.

The state has failed to guarantee the right to universal education.

Girls are the most affected because they are often not prioritized when funds are limited.

Education policies are increasingly discriminatory (SR for the poor, Garuda for the elite).

SR only accommodates 0.3% of school dropouts; Garuda schools are exclusive.

Fostering social segregation in the national education system.

Girls from poor families are increasingly lagging behind boys from the elite class.

The focus on education is not accompanied by socio-economic reform.

Vina Adriany’s (UPI) view: education is influenced by micro, meso, and macro factors.

Educational reform without socio-economic reform will not be effective.

Without economic policies that favor women, gender inequality will remain high.

From the outset, Prabowo has touted the People’s School program as a way to break the cycle of poverty. Vina Adriany, a lecturer at the Graduate School of the Indonesian University of Education (UPI), told Konde.co that the target is that addressing poverty and social inequality requires more than just intervening in education.

This approach oversimplifies social issues, which tend to be complex. From an ecological perspective, education exists within a social structure that is heavily influenced by micro, meso, and macro factors.

“This means that no matter how hard we try to reform education, if it is not accompanied by reforms in the social, economic, and political spheres, the changes we desire will not occur optimally,” explained Vina.

For example, if we talk about corruption, it cannot be solved simply by providing anti-corruption education at the educational level. This step may be one alternative.

According to Vina, the most important thing is that there needs to be socioeconomic reform, equitable distribution of wealth, and stronger law enforcement. When all these factors are also reformed, then the changes we want can happen.

The same applies if we want to eliminate social inequality. Vina explained that it is not enough to just tinker with educational institutions or the curriculum because that is only one part of a very broad ecosystem.

Therefore, according to Vina, there needs to be economic system reform, such as examining the extent to which our economic system favors disadvantaged groups. Some countries have implemented a mechanism of imposing higher taxes on the very wealthy (tax the rich). These taxes are then distributed for social justice.

Throughout the first year of the Prabowo-Gibran administration, the education sector has been under scrutiny, particularly regarding the education budget, which has been significantly cut to fund the MBG program.

National Coordinator of JPPI, Ubaid Matraji, stated that education under Prabowo-Gibran has lost its constitutional direction. There are three main indicators showing deviations in education from its constitutional mandate.

First, the education budget allocation has decreased due to its allocation to the Free Nutritious Meals (MBG) program. According to JPPI, the education budget in the 2026 State Budget is only 14 percent. Meanwhile, Article 31 paragraph 4 of the 1945 Constitution stipulates that the minimum allocation is 20 percent.

“The government is cutting children’s right to education to finance populist political projects in the name of nutrition. This is not just mismanagement, but a clear violation of the constitution,” said Ubaid.

Second, JPPI highlighted the failure to implement Constitutional Court Decision No. 3/PUU-XXII/2024, which mandates free basic education in public and private schools. Currently, JPPI notes that there are still 4.1 million Indonesian children who do not attend school, the majority due to economic reasons.

“More than four million Indonesian children are not in school today because the state has failed to fulfill its obligations,” said Ubaid.

Third, education policies are considered increasingly discriminatory. The People’s School and Garuda School programs are said to create social segregation in the education system. People’s Schools can only accommodate 0.3 percent of out-of-school children, while Garuda Schools are considered a symbol of exclusivity for privileged groups.

National Strategic Projects: Continuing the Legacy or Repeating Old Problems?

PSN remains a source of agrarian conflict and human rights violations

KontraS (2019–2023): 79 incidents of human rights violations related to PSN. Komnas HAM (2020–2023): 114 complaints related to PSN. YLBHI (2023–2025): 216 cases of human rights violations in PSN areas.

KPA (2024): 79 agrarian cases related to PSN, 36 of which were due to land acquisition.

This shows a recurring pattern of human rights violations and land grabbing in large infrastructure projects; the state has failed to guarantee the basic rights of its citizens.

Women, indigenous peoples, and small farmers are most affected due to the loss of livelihoods, water, and social space. Increased reproductive workload for women.

The expansion of PSN in the Prabowo era has increased threats to the environment and indigenous peoples

77 PSN projects (29 new, 48 continued) have been included in the 2025–2029 PSN indication list.

77 PSNs have been designated (29 new, 48 continued) in the 2025–2029 PSN indication list.

Predicted to eliminate >1.2 million hectares of forest and impact ±500 indigenous communities.

Indigenous women lose access to land, forests, and traditional food sources; increased economic vulnerability and domestic violence.

Militarization of development projects and involvement of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) in the implementation of PSN

PSN such as Free Nutritious Meals (MBG), food estates, and food barns involve the TNI in their implementation in the field.

PSN such as Free Nutritious Meals (MBG), food estates, and food barns involve the TNI in implementation in the field.

Normalizing the role of the military in civil and economic affairs; increasing the risk of repression in project areas.

Women activists and local communities face the risk of intimidation, criminalization, and violence when they reject projects.

Weak governance and minimal public participation in PSN evaluation

The evaluation of 280 PSNs during the Jokowi era was conducted without public participation; projects were funded by the state budget, the private sector, and institutions such as Danantara.

The evaluation of 280 PSNs during the Jokowi era was conducted without public participation; the projects were funded by the state budget, the private sector, and institutions such as Danantara.

Recurring problems: land acquisition, licensing, and weak inter-agency coordination.

Women are rarely involved in project deliberations; policies tend to be male-centric without listening to the needs of local communities.

Social and ecological impacts of problematic projects

Notable cases: Rempang Eco-City (Batam), Bener Dam (Wadas), Pocoleok Geothermal (Flores), Mbay Lambo Dam (Nagekeo), IKN (East Kalimantan).

Prominent cases: Rempang Eco-City (Batam), Bener Dam (Wadas), Pocoleok Geothermal (Flores), Mbay Lambo Dam (Nagekeo), IKN (East Kalimantan).

Resulting in evictions, loss of livelihoods, social conflict, and ecosystem degradation.

Women in conflict areas become double victims — losing their land and experiencing psychological pressure and additional social burdens.

PSN claims to alleviate poverty and promote equitable development, but lack transparency and accountability.

The government claims that PSN focuses on improving human resources, reducing poverty, and promoting economic growth.

There is no transparent data on the socio-economic benefits for affected communities; regional disparities remain high.

Women, especially female heads of households, do not receive the promised economic benefits; they are vulnerable to becoming cheap labor in projects.

The dominance of addictive industries in public policy

The government appears to be delaying the implementation of Government Regulation No. 28/2024 and Law No. 17/2023 on Health.

Policies favor the tobacco and ultra-processed food industries; this contradicts the spirit of protecting the people.

Women and children are most affected by the promotion of addictive products and unhealthy eating patterns reinforced by industry advertising.

Prabowo remains committed to implementing the National Strategic Project (PSN). He is continuing the PSN legacy built by Jokowi and has established a number of new PSNs that focus on food security, health, down streaming, and housing.

The government is evaluating around 280 PSNs from the Jokowi era. The evaluation criteria include an analysis of the economic impact, social impact, and relevance of the project to current development targets. Projects that are considered relevant and strategic will be continued, while others will be adjusted or even discontinued.

In the Prabowo era, PSN projects are funded by the private sector and the State Budget (APBN), including by Danantara. In their implementation, PSN projects often encounter problems related to land acquisition, licensing, and coordination between ministries/agencies.

The PSN during Prabowo’s era was also not immune to criticism from civil society, as was the case during Jokowi’s era, because it had a negative impact on indigenous and local communities around the PSN projects. Among them are the Rempang Eco-City project on Rempang Island, Batam; the Bener Dam in Wadas, Central Java; the Poco Leok geothermal project in Flores; the Mbay Lambo Dam in Nagekeo Regency, Flores; and the IKN project in Penajam Paser Utara, East Kalimantan.

Civil society criticism highlights the potential environmental impacts of large-scale projects such as food barns. Criticism has also been raised regarding project management that potentially violates human rights.

Extractive Industries Increasingly Attractive and Repressive
Revision of Government Regulation No. 39 of 2025 opens up mining permits for cooperatives, mass organizations, MSMEs, and universities.

Derivative regulation of Minerba Law No. 4/2009 (fourth revision).

Risks of conflicts of interest, exploitation of natural resources, and criminalization of local communities.

Women in mining communities are most affected by pollution, land loss, and economic violence.

Down streaming programs are oriented towards large investments, not people’s welfare.

21 first phase downstreaming projects, with an investment value of USD 40 billion (March 2025).

21 first phase downstream projects, with an investment value of USD 40 billion (March 2025).

Downstreaming exacerbates ecological damage and social conflict.

Women living near mines (e.g., Wawonii Island) have lost their livelihoods and clean water.

Corporate domination of mining land.

10 million hectares are controlled by corporations; 4.7 million hectares belong to 55 business groups (WALHI–Auriga data).

The state is only a licensor; the natural resource oligarchy is strengthening.

Inequality in land ownership weakens the economic position of rural women.

Weak supervision and law enforcement.

The transfer of authority to the center weakens local participation.

Corruption in licensing is increasing; illegal mining goes unpunished.

Local women lose access to decision-making and environmental advocacy.

Politicization of natural resources and granting of mining permits to religious organizations.

Example: discourse on granting IUPs to NU & Muhammadiyah.

This creates conflicts of interest and the risk of politicization of religion in natural resources.

Mining exploitation without technical capacity has a direct impact on women in the affected areas.

The space for impunity in the military justice system is still maintained.

YLBHI: Violations of law and human rights by soldiers are often beyond the reach of civil law.

The risk of corruption and human rights violations is increasing; it is difficult to hold the military accountable.

Women victims of military violence do not have access to justice; social trauma is ongoing.

In its report, WALHI assesses that the revision of the Minerba Law actually strengthens the trend of liberalization and privatization, weakens state control, and ignores the principles of ecological justice and the community’s right to a safe living space.

First, the approach to the mining sector policy is not holistic. Instead of considering the ecological and social functions of the region, mining permits are being granted on small islands and vulnerable coastal areas. In fact, the Coastal Law explicitly prohibits mining on small islands, but this regulation is being ignored.

Second, the revision opens up the expansion of legal subjects receiving concessions, including community organizations and religious organizations. The discourse on granting Mining Business Permits (IUP) to NU and Muhammadiyah raises concerns about conflicts of interest, exploitation without technical capacity, and the politicization of natural resources. Mining permits no longer function as instruments of restriction and protection, but rather as tools for power transactions.

Third, the revision strengthens the liberalization and privatization of natural resources. Research by WALHI and Auriga shows that 10 million hectares of mining land are controlled by corporations, with 4.7 million hectares of land under the control of 55 business groups. The state only plays a role as a licensor, while the profits are enjoyed by the private sector.

Fourth, oversight and law enforcement mechanisms have weakened. The transfer of authority to the central government has reduced local community participation, exacerbated corruption in licensing, and failed to crack down on illegal mining.

Meanwhile, in JATAM’s view, the down streaming pursued by Prabowo does not benefit the community, but only benefits the oligarchy and businesspeople with connections to those in power. The government’s claim that down streaming will bring prosperity has not been proven so far.

“Down streaming is not about creating prosperity once again, but will instead expand and accelerate the rate of destruction in the natural resource extraction sector itself,” said Alfarhat Kasman, Jatam campaigner, at a press conference on Monday, October 20, 2025.

Instead of bringing prosperity, according to Jatam, downstreaming actually impoverishes residents around mining areas. This can be seen in areas that are nickel mining sites, such as on Wawonii Island.

Are Free Health Checks Inclusive? How About Taxes on Sweetened and Addictive Industries?

The Free Health Check Program (CKG) does not yet have a strong legal basis and governance

Legal basis: Decree of the Minister of Health & Circular Letter of the Minister of Home Affairs; there is no national legal umbrella.

Potential for overlap between agencies; weak coordination between OPDs and program sustainability.

Women, the elderly, and people with disabilities are at risk of not being served due to the lack of inclusive access mechanisms.

High achievements but not accompanied by the readiness of regional health infrastructure

As of October 20, 2025: 46.9 million participants out of the target of 60 million have been examined; services are available in 10,000 community health centers & 125,000 schools.

As of October 20, 2025: 46.9 million participants out of a target of 60 million have been examined; services are available in 10,000 community health centers and 125,000 schools.

The distribution of disposable medical supplies (needles, gloves, bandages) is uneven, which risks reducing the quality of services.

Health facilities in remote areas—which serve many women and children—still lack personnel and basic medical equipment.

Minimal public awareness and trust in the program

CISDI study: the public is concerned about the diagnosis results and potential follow-up costs; many are reluctant to participate.

The success of early detection of chronic diseases is hampered; the risk of delayed treatment increases.

Informal female workers often lack the time and support to access preventive health services.

There is no integration of national health programs

CISDI assesses that the quick wins (CKG) program has the potential to disrupt existing health programs without coordination.

Risk of policy fragmentation; the effectiveness of the national health system is weakened.

Reproductive health and girls’ health programs may be neglected as the focus shifts to short-term populist programs.

Delays in fiscal policy to control non-communicable diseases (NCDs)

The implementation of MBDK excise tax has been postponed to 2026; there will be no increase in cigarette excise tax in 2025.

The government has failed to control the consumption of high-risk products; the economic burden and mortality from NCDs are increasing.

Women and young people are the main target markets for the sweetened beverage and cigarette industries; the risk of obesity, diabetes, and cancer is increasing.

Weak fiscal commitment to public health

WHO recommendation: allocate a minimum of 1% of GDP (~Rp165 trillion) to primary health care; Indonesia has not yet achieved this.

The BPJS deficit (Rp30 trillion) continues; the primary health care system is weak.

Female health workers (the majority in community health centers and integrated health service posts) continue to face low wages and poor working conditions.

The dominance of the addictive industry in public policy

The government appears to be delaying the implementation of Government Regulation No. 28/2024 and Law No. 17/2023 on Health.

Policies favor the tobacco and ultra-processed food industries; this contradicts the spirit of protecting the people.

Women and children are most affected by the promotion of addictive products and unhealthy diets reinforced by industry advertising.

Throughout the first year of the Prabowo-Gibran administration, a number of priority health programs still require significant evaluation and improvement. The Center for Indonesia’s Strategic Development Initiatives (CISDI), an organization working in the health development sector, assesses that the emergence of quick-win programs has the potential to disrupt the existing health programs that have been running fairly well, unless there are efforts to align them.

Regarding the Free Health Check (CKG) program, CISDI assesses that this program has the potential to increase the coverage of primary health services by recording and reporting cases of infectious diseases. However, the implementation of CKG needs to consider the sustainability of services.

“CKG should not only be positioned as a promotive and preventive approach to early detection of non-communicable diseases, including tuberculosis (TB), but also ensure the continuity of care for high-risk diseases, such as diabetes, which requires long-term care,” said CISDI Founder and CEO Diah Saminarsih on Friday, October 24, 2025, in a press release.

Diah added that health screening through CKG will generate valuable data. Therefore, the utilization of CKG data between the central government and local governments must be transparent.

“The collected CKG data can be maximized to plan follow-up services in the regions, including mapping disease priorities that can be reached by health facilities, and anticipated by BPJS Kesehatan based on the cost burden,” said Diah.

If CKG is implemented properly and adequately, CISDI assesses that the state’s burden in treating chronic and high-cost diseases can be reduced. This program is also expected to encourage every citizen to get regular health checkups.

In addition to programmatic priority agendas, health development is also inseparable from fiscal and political commitments to the public health budget ( ). Fiscal policies, such as taxes on packaged sweetened beverages (MBDK) and increased cigarette taxes, according to CISDI, need to be directed as instruments of consumption control for the prevention of non-communicable diseases.

CISDI’s modeling study in 2024 shows that Indonesia could save up to IDR 40.6 trillion from the economic burden of type 2 diabetes if it implemented MBDK excise from 2024 to 2033. In addition, CISDI’s 2025 research shows that a 10 percent increase in cigarette prices could reduce the likelihood of teenagers starting to smoke by 22 percent.

“Taxes must be used as an instrument to control the consumption of MBDK and cigarettes. Imposing MBDK taxes and increasing cigarette taxes shows that the government is committed to protecting public health from risk factors that cause non-communicable diseases,” said Diah.

To that end, CISDI recommends that various health sector programs that have been running separately be integrated into a larger framework of strengthening the national health system that focuses on primary health care and the management of the Health Social Security Agency (BPJS Kesehatan).

In addition, in accordance with the recommendations of the World Health Organization (WHO), the government needs to allocate at least 1 percent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), or the equivalent of Rp 165 trillion, to strengthen primary health services. Part of this budget can be used to cover the BPJS Kesehatan deficit, which currently stands at Rp 30 trillion, strengthen the supply and demand sides of the health system, and improve the production and welfare of health human resources.

The demand for the government to immediately enforce policies to protect public health from non-communicable diseases (NCDs) through the control of tobacco consumption and foods high in sugar, salt, and fat (GGL) was also voiced by 32 public health organizations.

Available data shows that non-communicable diseases account for 73% of deaths in Indonesia (WHO, 2018). In the last five years, National Health Insurance (JKN) funding for catastrophic illnesses has increased by 43%, reaching Rp 32 trillion, mainly for diseases related to obesity, diabetes mellitus, and hypertension.

“Every year, at least 270,000 Indonesians lose their lives due to tobacco consumption and unhealthy eating habits, with macroeconomic losses amounting to Rp184 trillion – Rp410 trillion. Therefore, 32 public health organizations are calling for eight demands to protect the Indonesian people from non-communicable diseases,” said Dr. Febtusia Puspitasari, Sp.JP, FIHA, from the Indonesian Cardiovascular Specialist Association at a press conference in Jakarta on Thursday (23/10).

The consumption of tobacco products, as well as foods and beverages high in sugar, salt, and fat, coupled with access to unhealthy environments, exacerbates the situation. Unfortunately, the Prabowo administration seems to be delaying the implementation of policies to control foods high in sugar, salt, and fat, as well as tobacco consumption. The implementation of the MBDK excise tax, which was supposed to take effect in 2025, has been postponed until 2026. The government has also decided not to increase cigarette excise taxes in 2025.

Furthermore, in one year of Prabowo’s administration, the implementation of Government Regulation (PP) Number 28 of 2024 concerning Health, , which is mandated by Law Number 17 of 2023 concerning Health, has not yet been carried out in practice.

On the contrary, a number of policies actually show favoritism towards the addictive products industry, including the tobacco and ultra-processed food industries, such as packaged sweetened beverages (MBDK), which is contrary to the spirit of public health protection.

“The health of the people should not be compromised for the sake of industry interests. The implementation of the Health Government Regulation is a constitutional right of citizens, not a political option,” said Magdalena Sitorus, Chair of the Women’s Network for Tobacco Control (JP3T).

One year into the Prabowo-Gibran administration, data and reports from civil society movements reveal a state that is increasingly distancing itself from the values of justice, equality, and humanity. With amplified rhetoric on development and populist programs, the policies that have emerged have actually deepened inequality, silenced criticism, and removed women and vulnerable groups from decision-making spaces.

(Translator: Theresia Pratiwi Elingsetyo Sanubari)

Luthfi Maulana Adhari & Anita Dhewy

Manajer Riset dan Pengembangan Konde.co & Redaktur Khusus Konde.co

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