This research is part of the Women’s Special Edition
Trigger Warning: This article contains discussion about violence against women that may be sensitive to some people.
One of the most prominent criticisms found in this survey is the government’s lack of concern for women, gender minorities, and other vulnerable groups.
A survey conducted by Konde.co revealed that around 79 percent of respondents were unaware of the women’s issues being run by government, while the performance of the Ministry of Women’s Empowerment and Child Protection (Kemen PPPA) was considered poor.
The slow pace of protection of the rights of women and informal labor groups such as domestic workers is also considered to be a red mark in the 100 days of the Red and White Cabinet.
In addition, various policies related to basic needs and social welfare, limiting energy subsidies, food estates, and populist policies such as the Free Nutritious Meal (MBG) program have received sharp criticism because they are considered to have actually burdened the people’s economy.
Another worrying pattern is the increasing civil society unrest over freedom of speech on the sidelines of the military’s expanding role in civilian governance.
Konde.co’s survey, which involved 72 cis, trans and non-binary women respondents from various regions in Indonesia using accidental sampling techniques, showed that many government policies in the first 100 days were still far from the expectations of vulnerable groups.
We divide the findings based on the following 5 categories:
1. Policies Have Adverse Impacts, Not in Favor of Women and Vulnerable Groups
The 236 responses to 20 categories of public policy in Indonesia reveal a bleak picture of their perceptions of the government’s strategic decisions for women. The overwhelming majority of responses showed deep dissatisfaction, with 89 percent of respondents rating government policies as bad or very bad for women.
(Impact program analysis)
Critics have strongly condemned policies related to basic needs and social welfare, as the data clearly indicates.
Energy subsidy restrictions were the main complaint, with the 3 kg LPG gas restriction policy being the most highlighted. A total of 46 out of 48 responses rated this policy as having a negative impact, reflecting the public’s unrest over increasingly limited access to cheap energy. Similarly, the cut in public transportation subsidies received 43 negative responses from a total of 47 respondents, showing concerns that this policy burdens proletarian class women who depend on public transportation for daily activities.
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Populist policies such as the Free Nutritious Meal (MBG) program are also not immune from criticism. As many as 87 percent of responses to this program stated that it had a bad or very bad impact.
The program’s ineffectiveness stems from its failure to deliver real benefits or address the community’s core needs. The government frequently fails to implement populist policies evenly, and they often don’t address actual needs.
Another noticeable pattern is the growing concern over policies that expand the role of the military in the civilian space. The public has strongly rejected the TNI/Polri’s multifunctional role and military governance approach.
All responses to these two policies label them as harmful and threatening to civil liberties. This trend raises fears of a return to an authoritarian model of governance that limits democratic space and erodes the principle of civilian supremacy.
2. Marginalization of Women and Gender Minorities in Work Programs
Various public policies implemented in recent months show a consistent pattern: heavy impacts on women and gender minorities, such as heavier economic burdens, vulnerable public services, and declining trust in the government that marginalizes women and minorities.
Table of Program Impact on Women and Gender Minorities (1)
| Core Categories | Subcategory | Cause-Effect Relationship |
| Economic Hardship | Discourse on 12% VAT Increase | Discourse VAT increase → prices of goods increase → purchasing power decreases → income decreases → trust in the government decreases |
| 3kg LPG Gas Restriction | Gas access restricted → cooking difficulties → small businesses disrupted → women’s burden increases | |
| Transportation Subsidy Cut | Transportation subsidy reduced →travel costs rise → mobility disrupted → women’s safety decreases | |
| Impact of Education Budget Cut | Increase in education costs | Education budget cut → education costs increase → student hardship → access to education decreases |
| Salary of honorary teachers threatened | Budget cuts → honorary teachers’ salaries decrease → educators’ welfare worsens → teaching motivation decreases | |
| Lecturer Tukin uncertainty | Education budget cut → lecturers’ tukin uncertain → financial burden increases → teaching quality at risk of decline | |
| Economic Uncertainty & Layoffs | Mass layoffs | Company efficiency → layoffs increase → family income drops →difficulty finding a new job |
| Decrease in people’s purchasing power | Prices rise → purchasing power decreases → business is disrupted → people’s income decreases | |
| Impact of Health Budget Cut | Reduction of health services | Health budget cut → health services reduced → public access decreased → health risks increased |
| Shortage of contraceptives | Health budget cut → contraceptive distribution hampered → access to family planning reduced →reproductive health risks increased | |
| Dissatisfaction with government policy | Policies are not well-targeted | Policies are made without careful study → benefits are not felt by the community → public trust decreases |
| MBG (Free Nutritious Meal) | Additional financial burden for students & parents | MBG implementation → additional levies at school → parents burdened → program not running effectively |
| Education budget diversion | MBG requires large funds →education budget diverted → other programs such as MSIB and teacher professional allowances affected | |
| Impact of PSN (National Strategic Project) | Ecological disaster due to large projects | PSN implemented on peatland →ecosystem damaged → flooding & ecological disasters increase →communities affected |
| Local economy impact | PSN replaces productive land →local economy disrupted →community livelihoods threatened |
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Perceptions of policies such as the discourse on a 12% Value Added Tax (VAT) increase, restrictions on 3 kg LPG gas, cuts to transportation subsidies, and budget cuts in the education and health sectors reveal a cause-and-effect relationship that exacerbates social injustice.
The policy not only has a direct impact on daily life, but also disproportionately affects vulnerable groups, especially women and low-income communities.
Table of Program Impact on Women and Gender Minorities (2)
| Core Category | Subcategory | Cause-Effect Relationship |
| Economic Hardship | Discourse on 12% VAT Increase | Discourse VAT increase → prices of goods increase →purchasing power decreases →income decreases → trust in the government decreases |
| 3kg LPG Gas Restriction | Gas access restricted → cooking difficulties → small businesses disrupted → women’s burden increases | |
| Transportation Subsidy Cut | Transportation subsidies reduced → travel costs rise → mobility disrupted → women’s safety decreases | |
| Impact of Education Budget Cut | Increase in education costs | Education budget cut → education costs increase → student hardship → access to education decreases |
| Salary of honorary teachers threatened | Budget cuts → honorary teachers’ salaries decrease →educators’ welfare worsens →teaching motivation decreases | |
| Lecturer Tukin uncertainty | Education budget cut → lecturers’ tukin uncertain → financial burden increases → teaching quality at risk of decline | |
| Economic Uncertainty & Layoffs | Mass layoffs | Company efficiency → layoffs increase → family income drops → difficulty finding a new job |
| Decrease in people’s purchasing power | Prices rise → purchasing power decreases → business is disrupted → people’s income decreases | |
| Impact of Health Budget Cut | Reduction of health services | Health budget cut → health services reduced → public access decreased → health risks increased |
| Shortage of contraceptives | Health budget cut →contraceptive distributionhampered → family planning access reduced →reproductive health risks increased |
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| Slide 2 | ||
| Dissatisfaction with Government Policy | Policies are not well targeted | Policies are made without careful study → benefits are not felt by the public → public trust decreases |
| MBG (Free Nutritious Meal) | Additional financial burden for students & parents | MBG implementation → additional levies at school → parents burdened → program not running effectively |
| Education budget diversion | MBG requires large funds →education budget diverted →other programs such as MSIB and teacher professional allowances affected | |
| Impact of PSN (National Strategic Project) | Ecological disasters due to large projects | PSN implemented on peatland →ecosystem damaged → flooding & ecological disastersincrease → communities affected |
| Local economy impact | PSN replaces productive land →local economy disrupted →community livelihoods threatened |
Economic policy is one of the main triggers for instability in people’s lives. The discourse on the 12% VAT increase, although not realized, was felt by respondents to have created a domino effect in the form of an increase in the price of basic necessities. This price increase suppressed purchasing power and increased the deficit in household expenditure. For the lower middle-income group, this policy exacerbated the difficulty of fulfilling basic needs.
The impact also weakens public trust in the government, which is considered to have made decisions without in-depth studies. This policy has led to the perception that the government ignores the economic realities faced by citizens, especially among informal workers and women as domestic burden bearers.
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In addition to price increases due to the VAT discourse, restrictions on the distribution of 3 kg LPG gas are worsening the situation for households and micro businesses. Many families experience difficulties in basic activities such as cooking, while small businesses that rely heavily on subsidized gas face strong disruptions. Women, who are closely involved in household affairs, feel this impact most directly. Furthermore, limited access to subsidized gas creates additional challenges for small businesses, especially in the informal sector which supports a large part of the household economy.
The cut in transportation subsidies adds another layer of hardship for people, especially those who rely on public transportation. Travel costs increase, and mobility becomes more difficult, especially for women who often rely on public transportation to carry out their daily activities.
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The cuts also increase safety risks as women are forced to use private modes of transportation which are often more expensive and less safe. This concern was expressed by one respondent who stated that, with the cost of living continuing to rise, the reduction in subsidies would only worsen the conditions of vulnerable groups who need access to cheap and safe transportation.
One respondent pointed out that in an increasingly difficult economic situation, cutting subsidies only worsens the conditions of women who already face the threat of sexual violence in public spaces, compounding the structural injustices they experience.
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“Cutting transportation subsidies will make women vulnerable to crime, such as rape by motorcycle taxi drivers, kidnapping by online taxi drivers, robbery on the road, and others.”
In the education sector, budget cuts have had multiple impacts on students, honorary teachers, and lecturers. Students face rising tuition fees amid economic uncertainty, which threatens their right to access proper education. Honorarium teachers, whose salaries are already minimal, feel their job security is increasingly threatened.
“My salary is already small, I want to cut it so how much more will my salary be?” said one respondent.
For lecturers, the uncertainty of performance allowances amidst rising living costs adds to financial pressures that impact the quality of teaching and research. This situation shows how budget cuts in the education sector exacerbate inequalities in access and weaken Indonesia’s knowledge infrastructure.
Budget cuts in the health sector have widened the gap in access to health services, especially for women and communities in remote areas. Budget reductions have reduced free health services and restricted the distribution of contraceptives. Respondents from remote areas complained that communities had not received free contraceptive distributions for months.
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According to the respondent, “There is a problem with the delivery of contraceptives, which has not been delivered for almost three months. This is very serious.” The respondent worked as an honorary family planning field officer (PLKB) in a remote village. A serious problem in the village is the high rate of underage marriage. As a PLKB, the respondent felt that free contraceptives could help her efforts to prevent risky pregnancies (too young). “I believe, deep down, they (the women there) don’t want to get married that early. It’s just the demands of their parents that make them unable to refuse.”
Therefore, she expressed her concern about the government, which always touts the family planning program with the slogan “Two children are healthy and enough” but is unable to provide what the community should get, namely free contraceptives.
“The villagers reject the free contraceptives we offer. What more if they have to pay a fairly expensive nominal. They say it is better to use the money for food than for monthly family planning injections.”
This disruption has a direct impact on reproductive health programs, which are particularly important for women in areas with limited access. In addition, budget cuts have also created insecurity in accessing basic health products such as painkillers, especially among women who need quality assurance of health products.
The budget cut policy that was also applied to the Food and Drug Monitoring Agency (BPOM) has raised new concerns for women regarding the safety of the products they use daily.
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Budget reductions risk weakening oversight of medicines and cosmetics, increasing the likelihood of unsafe products circulating in the market. Respondents cited the case of kidney failure due to paracetamol contamination with harmful chemical compounds as clear evidence that weak supervision can threaten women’s health, especially those who rely on painkillers during menstruation. In addition, the lack of supervision of cosmetic products also increases the risk of exposure to harmful substances that can have a negative impact on health in the long run.
“BPOM’s budget efficiency makes women not feel safe using cosmetics or painkillers during menstruation, referring to the case of paracetamol contamination.”
Beyond economic and public service issues, government policies that are perceived to be mis-targeted add to the frustration among the public. The Free Nutritious Meal Program (MBG), for example, was criticized for increasing the financial burden on students and parents through additional levies at schools. One respondent from Central Java recounted a direct experience experienced by a family member.
“The MBG policy has led to extortion in schools. I feel affected because my younger brother has to pay money to the school to buy a lunch box.”
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Poorly researched policies and non-transparent implementation create additional burdens on the education sector, exacerbate access inequalities and affect public trust in government policies.
The long-term impacts of National Strategic Projects (PSN) also raise serious concerns regarding environmental damage and local economic uncertainty. Developing these projects on peatlands heightens the risk of environmental disasters like flooding and crop failure.
A respondent from Central Kalimantan highlighted the ecological disasters that have occurred due to the Food Estate project in Central Kalimantan which, according to him, has failed miserably. “Not to mention the ecological disasters (floods, heatwaves) due to the Central Kalimantan Food Estate that failed miserably. And prospective ecological disasters caused by stubbornness to open new land on peatlands (wetlands) without considering that peatlands are the pillars of the ecosystem as well as water catchment areas and sources of livelihood for the surrounding community. Kalimantan is already food sufficient without ‘food self-sufficiency’ which is nothing but monoculture with an unsustainable mono-consumption approach.”
In addition to damaging ecosystems, such large projects also disrupt local economies by converting productive land into project zones that do not necessarily provide tangible benefits to surrounding communities.
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The overall response shows that public policies implemented without in-depth studies and community participation risk creating a cycle of uncertainty that worsens economic and social conditions. The government’s policies, including rising living costs and cuts in essential services, heavily burden women and low-income communities.
The government needs to re-evaluate its economic and social policy approach by paying more attention to the real impact on the ground. Without a change in policy direction that is more inclusive and based on community needs, public dissatisfaction will grow, potentially threatening social stability in the future.
3. No Policy Law for Women: TPKS Law and PPRT Bill
The survey shows that the majority of respondents rarely or very rarely hear about developments related to the implementation of the Sexual Violence Crime Law (TPKS) and the Domestic Workers Protection Bill (RUU PPRT).
Graph of respondents’ answers to the question, “How often do you hear about the development and implementation of the TPKS Law?”
Assessments of the progress of both policies have consistently received poor to very poor responses, reflecting public dissatisfaction with the slow pace of implementation and the government’s lack of transparency in following up on issues that have a major impact on vulnerable groups, especially women.
Graph of respondents’ answers to the question, “How often do you hear about the development of the PPRT Bill?”
Graph of respondents’ assessment of the development of the PPRT Bill
Respondents who answered that they sometimes to very often heard about the progress of the two laws rated the implementation of the TPKS Law with an average of 4.5 and the PPRT Bill with an average of 3.8, both in the poor category.
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This negative response highlights a structural failure to protect the rights of women and domestic workers, two groups that have historically experienced marginalization in legal and public policy spaces. The lack of socialization of the TPKS Law suggests that despite the passage of this policy, limited access to information makes it difficult for victims of sexual violence to understand their rights and available protection mechanisms. This creates institutional barriers that perpetuate injustice and reinforce a culture of impunity towards perpetrators of sexual violence.
“One hundred days of the government is not only slow to discuss derivative policies of the TPKS Law, but policies have emerged that perpetuate these relational inequalities. We are moving away from efforts to protect women and vulnerable groups,” said the Chairperson of Perempuan Mahardhika, Mutiara Ika Pratiwi in a discussion entitled “100 Days of the New Government, the State is Still Impartial to Victims of Sexual Violence” in Cikini Jakarta, Thursday (13/2/2025).
Analysis of the TPKS Law and the PPRT Bill
| Analysis | Average Assessment | Category |
| Of the total respondents who answered in the sometimes to very often category on the question (how often do you hear about the development of the derivatives and implementation of the PKS Law?) | 4.50 | POOR |
| Of the total respondents who answered in the category of sometimes to very often to the question (how often do you hear about the development of the PPRT Bill?) | 3.80 | POOR |
A similar situation occurs with the PPRT Bill, which has yet to be passed. The poor assessment of its development reflects the state’s impartiality towards reproductive labor, which is often considered to have no economic value. Domestic workers, the majority of whom are women, remain trapped in exploitative working conditions, without adequate legal protection. The government’s inaction in prioritizing the PPRT Bill reflects how women’s domestic work is ignored and not recognized as part of human rights. Structurally, the public response to these two policies reflects a power gap where the interests of vulnerable groups are ignored in favor of a more dominant political agenda. The state’s inability to provide effective protection for women and domestic workers creates legal fragility that allows gender-based violence and economic exploitation to continue without real consequences.
4. Ministries Without Pro-Women’s Protection Policies
More than half of the respondents (53.75%) said that none of the ministries performed poorly in handling women’s programs. However, this finding is in line with the high level of ignorance among respondents (79.17%) towards specific programs related to women’s issues run by the ministry. This reflects the invisibility of gender-based policies at the institutional level and shows how the lack of information impacts public perception.
Ministry Program
The majority of respondents (79.17%) did not know the specific programs related to women’s issues in 48 ministries.
| Most Known Program (>1) | Number Mentioned (times) | Assessment | Category |
| Free HPV Vaccine for Children | 3.00 | 7.30 | Good |
| RBMP (Merah-Putih Common Room) | 2.00 | 1.50 | Very poor |
| Maternal and child health program | 2.00 | 4.50 | Poor |
| Overall average assessment of most well-known programs | 7.00 | 4.40 | Poor |
| Overall average assessment of known programs | 22.00 | 5.40 | Average |
On the other hand, the dominant mention of the performance of the Ministry of Law and the Ministry of Human Rights indicates public dissatisfaction with a legal system that fails to ensure effective protection for women, especially in handling cases of gender-based violence.
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Respondents complained that the Ministry of Human Rights still shows weaknesses in protecting women’s human rights, especially in handling cases of gender-based violence (GBV). The absence of specific programs that specifically protect women’s rights reflects the lack of institutional attention to this issue.
In addition, services for victims of GBV are still far from adequate, both in terms of accessibility and effectiveness in providing protection and assistance. In the Ministry of Law, respondents were also concerned that the enforcement of justice in cases of violence against women is still not in favor of victims, with many cases dragging on without legal certainty or ending with impunity for the perpetrators.
The mention of the performance of the Ministry of Defence signifies a critique of the militarization of policies that are historically and structurally masculine. This masculinization within the institution reinforces a repressive approach that ignores women’s needs and experiences, especially in security and social protection policies.
In addition, critics of the Ministry of Population and Family Development point out that the family-based approach promoted by the ministry is still centered on women’s domestic roles, which limits women’s rights and autonomy outside the household.
Ministry Rating
More than half of the respondents (53.75%) answered “No” to ministries that are bad at bringing programs related to women’s issues. This is in sync with their ignorance (79.17%) regarding the specific women’s issues brought by the ministry.
| Worst Ministry on Women’s Issues (>1) | Number Mentioned (times) |
| Ministry of Human Right | 6.00 |
| All ministries | 5.00 |
| Ministry of defense | 4.00 |
| Ministry of population and family development | 2.00 |
| Ministry of energy and mineral resources | 2.00 |
| Ministry of home affairs | 2.00 |
| Ministry of PPPA | 2.00 |
Many hold the Ministry of Women’s Empowerment and Child Protection (MoWECP) in low esteem, despite its role in addressing women’s issues. This indicates public dissatisfaction with the performance of a ministry that is very close to the issues of vulnerable groups.
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MoWECP often focuses only on programs that are symbolic or based on short-term needs without addressing the root structural issues that cause gender injustice. This critique emphasizes that the ministry directly responsible for women’s empowerment must go beyond a reactive approach and move towards a progressive and transformative policy agenda.
Criticism directed at the entire ministry suggests that these structural failures cannot be resolved through symbolic policies or charity-based programs alone.
Comprehensive institutional reforms are needed to ensure that women’s experiences are integrated in all stages of policy formulation, implementation and evaluation. This includes strengthening the accountability of state institutions to women’s rights, decentralizing patriarchal power within the bureaucracy, and implementing rights-based approaches and victims’ experiences in legal and social policies. Without fundamental structural change, ministries will continue to fail to meet women’s needs in a fair and comprehensive manner.
92% of respondents rated the ministry’s women’s empowerment program as having a very high level of urgency, indicating that the ministry must work hard to make this program a reality.
5. Safe Spaces and Gender-Based Violence
Research shows that respondents experience gender-based threats in digital and physical spaces, and this is still a serious problem.
60% of respondents reported that they have witnessed others experiencing threats such as doxxing, hate speech or identity-based harassment in the past 100 days. In fact, 29% of respondents claimed to have experienced these threats first-hand.
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The use of buzzers on social media is also a major concern. A total of 75% of respondents stated that they see buzzer activity on various digital platforms very often, with another 21% feeling that they see buzzer activity often. Only 4% of respondents reported rare exposure to buzzers.
The presence of these buzzers often muddies public discussions and influences people’s perceptions on sensitive issues, including women’s rights and gender minorities.
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The majority of respondents felt that government policies in the last 100 days have not created a safer and fairer space for women and gender minorities. 57% of respondents reported stagnant protection and freedom of expression, whereas 43% witnessed increasing limitations and vulnerability in civic space for these groups.
Activists’ Views on Women’s Policies in 100 Days of Work
We then conducted interviews and attended discussions with a number of women activists about the situation and conditions of 100 days of the Prabowo-Gibran Government.
Activists argue that inadequate policies further marginalize women and vulnerable groups, rather than prioritizing them. In fact, one of Prabowo Gibran’s eight Asta Cita points is to strengthen the development of human resources (HR), science, technology, education, health, sports achievements, gender equality, and strengthening the role of women, youth, and people with disabilities.
However, from these 100 days, activists see that the number of female ministers is minimal, at only 13%, then the faction in DPR that takes care of women’s issues is all male and there is no track record of their struggle for women. This was conveyed by digital activist Kalis Mardiasih during a discussion on Prabowo-Gibran’s 100 days of work held by the Humanist Foundation on January 30, 2025.
Meanwhile, Budhis Utami, Director of KAPAL Perempuan, criticized the absence of women’s issues in Prabowo-Gibran’s first 100 working days.
“In my opinion, women’s issues are also not visible. For example, the Ministry of Women’s Empowerment and Child Protection (KemenPPPA) does not move anything,” Budhis told Konde.co, Thursday (20/2/2025).
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According to Budhis, the authorities have failed to develop the Strategic Plan (Renstra) to date.
“I asked, what is the Renstra? Because we once gave recommendations on the results of the national meeting of women and marginalized groups to the Minister (MenPPPA). Even though it was the old Minister, yes. But the name of the policy brief must exist until now. Because it is indeed mandated for the preparation of the RPJMN which is then derived to the Strategic Plan. That doesn’t exist yet.”
Budhis Utami continued, during the previous administration, there was a mandate for institutions such as Kemen PPPA on certain issues, for example on the issue of stopping sexual violence, as well as the economy and empowerment of women. Meanwhile, during the new leadership, there is no mandate from the president for this.
“But if you look at the 8 best quick results programs, there are no empowerment issues,” said Budhis. He said that programs such as the Free Nutritious Meal (MBG) and nutritional assistance for toddlers and pregnant women were merely charitable. This is because, apart from an excessive focus on MBG, other programs are not even considered in such a way.
“Then the programs actually do not refer to the empowerment aspect. For example, Ruang (Bersama) Merah Putih used to replace Women-Friendly Village and Child Care. Now it’s replaced by what else, I forget, but there are no things that are done. So the aspect of seeing the context of women, women, marginalized groups, disabilities does not exist.”
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Budhis Utami argues that the RPJMN ought to cover these issues. Prabowo-Gibran’s first 100 working days donot seem to refer to it. Therefore, he said he still wanted to check the accommodation in the RPJMN. Meanwhile, considering that the RPJMN at the beginning could not be a reference, the assessment was based on Asta Cita for the 100 days of work.
“So it’s like it’s just charity; giving free nutrition to pregnant women. Is that all?” said Budhis Utami.
Are we optimistic about this? Mutiara Ika Pratiwi from Perempuan Mahardhika and Budhis Utami from Institut KAPAL Perempuan also voiced their pessimism. According to Mutiara Ika, from the first 100 working days of Prabowo-Gibran, there were no significant breakthroughs related to various problems of women and marginalized groups.
The government’s approach excludes women and marginalized people rather than making them a priority.
Now the disappointment over the performance of the first 100 days of
the new regime has escalated into massive demonstrations in many parts of Indonesia. Students, women, and other elements of the people have taken to the streets to voice their dissatisfaction with Prabowo-Gibran’s policies.
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Emmy Astuti, Director of the Association of Women Facilitators of Small and Micro Enterprises (ASPPUK), looks at how economic policies in the 100 days of work have marginalized women.
For women micro and small business owners (SMEs), 3 kg LPG gas is a key requirement in running their culinary businesses, home production, and various other sectors. Limited access to this gas causes delays in the production process. This is because women SMEs have to queue for hours to obtain 3 kg LPG gas. After queuing and obtaining the gas, then they produce. This causes delays in service to consumers.
“There are even SMEs that cannot sell because they do not get 3 kg LPG gas. That means they do not get income on that day. As it is known that the number of MSMEs in Indonesia is 65.5 million people, 64.5% are managed by women micro small business actors,” Emmy Astuti told Konde.co.
Meanwhile, for housewives, this policy adds to women’s workload as they have to queue for hours. They are also often responsible for domestic needs such as cooking, taking care of children, and organizing household needs.
Not only has the workload increased, but this policy is also time- consuming, increasing operational costs due to additional transportation costs. In addition, the unprepared distribution system has led to long queues and limited stocks in various regions, exacerbating the difficulties experienced by this vulnerable group.
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“We feel that this policy does not consider the impact on women’s groups and small businesses,” said Emmy Astuti.
“The government should ensure the readiness of distribution infrastructure first before implementing rules that actually worsen people’s welfare.”
Nelly Agustina, a Konde.co survey respondent and journalist in Penajam Paser Utara, East Kalimantan, agreed. According to her, even before the government issued a policy, 3 kg gas was already scarce in the market, and the price had soared. If the Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources Bahlil was once surprised because gas sales at retail could be marked up to 20 thousand Rupiah, said Nelly, the price of gas in her place could even reach 50 thousand.
“So if the policy should be retailers, it is actually good for, for example, talking about prices,” Nelly told Konde.co, Wednesday (19/2/2025).
“But (the impact is) panic from the policy. Finally, many people hoarded gas. Unclear information about gas availability confused many people about how much they could get. Here, the distance is quite far, yes. In one district, it seems like there are only dozens of gas agents; the price went up. Most end up having to look for kilometres.”
Meanwhile, Budhis Utami from KAPAL Perempuan stated that various policies in the new regime are blatantly not in favor of the poor and disabled.
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Budhis Utami said when contacted by Konde.co, Thursday (20/2/2025), even his policies then made women have to die because of gas queues. A patriarchal society like Indonesia’s places the burden of all domestic work and family needs on women.
“There are indeed men who join the queue. But there are more women. You have to see it like that.”
ASPPUK then asked the government to immediately ensure that the distribution of subsidized gas remains easily accessible to small communities, and provide a mechanism for distributing 3 kg LPG gas that does not burden women MSMEs and housewives in obtaining subsidized gas. Then make rules/policies that are friendly to women. Especially women micro small business owners and housewives. As well as conducting more thorough socialization at the community level before implementing the policy.
In the public service sector such as transportation, the policy of reducing subsidies has made it more difficult for people, especially those who rely on public transportation. The increase in travel costs limits mobility, especially for women who often rely on public transportation to carry out their daily activities.
The cut in transportation subsidies adds another layer of hardship for people, especially those who rely on public transportation. Travel costs have increased, and mobility has become more difficult, especially for women who often rely on public transportation to carry out their daily activities.
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The budget cuts push women into using private, costly, and unsafe transportation, heightening security concerns.
This concern was expressed by one respondent who stated, “The cut in public transportation subsidies has resulted in women having to take private transportation which makes them vulnerable to crime (e.g. rape by motorcycle taxi drivers, kidnapping by online taxi drivers, robbery on the road).”
With the cost of living continuing to rise, the reduction in subsidies will only worsen the conditions of vulnerable groups who need access to cheap and safe transportation.
In the education sector, as explained in the survey findings, budget cuts have a wide-ranging impact on students, honorary teaching staff, and lecturers. Students face a surge in tuition fees amid economic uncertainty, which threatens their access to proper education Meanwhile, honorary teachers, whose incomes are already limited, are further stressed by budget reductions that affect their continued employment.
“Education budget cuts will threaten my job as an honorary teacher. A respondent questioned further salary cuts from their meager pay.
The government cut costs in education by firing at least 241 honorary teachers in Penajam Paser Utara, according to Nelly. This has shaken the world of education there.
“That has caused confusion, both from the office and the school,” said Nelly. The policy directly affected a school on the border of Penajam Paser Utara and West Kutai. The road and access to the school is difficult. The filial school also only has three teachers for six classes; one is a P3K teacher, while the other two are honorary teachers.
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“The management terminated the two honorary teachers due to that reason. There is the ASN law in 2023 and also Kemenpan-RB, that’s the reason,” Nelly continued. “But the other side is also, talking about budget efficiency too. Finally, the teachers have to be self-sufficient to pay one honorary teacher, to accommodate six classes for example. As far as I know, the 6 classes combined have just 47 students. But there are six classes. Yes, the process and materials are still different.”
Nelly explained that the condition of only one teacher working makes everything not accommodated.
“Not to mention (teachers) P3K (Government Employees with Employment Agreements, ed.). Here, there are 3 thousand people who should be raised. It can’t be done on the grounds of budget efficiency, budget cuts are actually not enough, like that.”
As for lecturers, the uncertainty of performance allowances amidst rising living costs adds to financial pressures that impact the quality of teaching and research. This situation shows how budget cuts in the education sector exacerbate inequalities in access and weaken Indonesia’s knowledge infrastructure.
This disruption has a direct impact on reproductive health programs, which are particularly important for women in areas with limited access. In addition, budget cuts have also created insecurity in accessing basic health products such as painkillers, especially among women who need quality assurance of health products.
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In response to this issue, Budhis Utami agrees that the government and women’s health issues have become increasingly distant.
“The service is declining,” he said. “So there is no need for health services to decline – especially in distant areas. So that’s what it is, focusing on ‘nutrition’.”
He also explained the decline in social protection, especially for the poor. The government has changed aid fund disbursement to every two months and cut the budget for each elderly person in half, from 400,000 to 200,000.
“That is for the poor elderly, from 400 (thousand). In Jakarta, yes, from 400 thousand to 200 thousand. The reason is so that all get … More people get it. So even on the issue of social protection, there are cuts. They overlook it as a form of KB.”
Beyond economic and public service issues, government policies that are perceived to be mis-targeted add to the frustration among the public. The Free Nutritious Meal Program (MBG), for example, was criticized for increasing the financial burden on students and parents through additional levies at schools.
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Poorly researched policies and non-transparent implementation create additional burdens on the education sector. It also exacerbates inequality of access and affects public trust in government policies.
MBG is also considered to have failed to touch the fate of women’s empowerment. Instead, there is a potential takeover of the program by retired TNI officers, as Nelly said based on conditions in her area in Penajam Paser Utara.
“You can check, for example, that many of the trials were taken by retired military officers,” Nelly said. “In fact, the impression is that it’s like taking… What, huh? Like fighting over projects. His policies are actually making women more and more excluded.”
The long-term impacts of National Strategic Projects (PSN) also raise serious concerns regarding environmental damage and local economic uncertainty. Developing these projects on peatlands heightens the risk of ecological disasters like floods and crop failures.
In addition to damaging ecosystems, such large projects also disrupt local economies by converting productive land into project zones that do not necessarily provide tangible benefits to surrounding communities. One of the most talked-about mega-PSNs is the National Capital City (IKN) in Kalimantan.
Nelly explained the current situation at IKN and the people who originally lived on the land. About a month ago, women residents held an action at IKN regarding the uncertainty of the fate of their land which was used as a VVIP Airport. According to her, the airport land is in a land bank and until now the Ministry of ATR-BPN is actually reviewing the land.
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“This Land Bank is right, so it’s a VVIP airport. Nelly revealed that the state owns the palm oil land.
“Well, but because the company was losing money, they are no longer there. Because there are residents there, it is managed by all residents. It’s been 10 years, 20 years, the palms are already big. Suddenly there was a policy to put the VVIP airport in three villages: Jenebora, Gersik, and Langok Beach. So the VVIP airport needs, anyway, this state project needs 4 thousand hectares. The authorities swapped the residents’ lands for vegetation and intend to provide new lands in return.”
He continued, the land bank process is actually like collecting data on residents for land replacement. “But because the ministry is new again, Nusron Wahid also looks like that – like he doesn’t care either. Finally now when asked about the land bank, how? The official replied, “We’re still reviewing it, so it’ll go back to ATR-BPN for further action.”
Nusron Wahid is the Minister of Agrarian and Spatial Planning/Head of the National Land Agency (ATR/BPN). Meanwhile, the Land Bank Agency was established under the Ministry of ATR/BPN in the Joko Widodo (Jokowi) era. The Land Bank was then continued in the Prabowo era for food estate land and National Strategic Projects (PSN) in IKN.
This condition also made residents even more confused. The women also complained about the fate of inheritance for their children’s future amidst the unclear status of the land.”So there are mothers talking like that, who are like, ‘we are already willing, our land was taken and promised to be replaced. Until now it doesn’t exist. Nelly said, “Meanwhile, we still have families who need our continued support.”
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They eventually lost their living space. Initially, they could produce and live from the land. The government/authorities took it away from them now.
“It is not possible at all when, for example, they want to plant again on new land. It’s still unclear what the ownership is. So it’s like, we just want to plant bananas and cassava, it’s difficult. They complain about that.”
Apart from the VVIP Airport project, there are many other complications surrounding the IKN project that relate to women’s livelihoods. In general, the construction of IKN itself has burned down women’s living space. The project, which is a continuation of the Jokowi regime, has had a long impact on the lives of indigenous women and coastal women in Kalimantan. The government/policies force women off their land, depriving them of prosperity.
“And IKN is also, I mean, it’s a continuation project from the previous regime, I guess,” added Nelly. “And the impact means that it has been prolonged and there are too many problems. Too many problems are faced. The living space of coastal women is also getting eroded. So a lot is happening. Which indeed makes women even more eliminated from their living spaces.”
“Especially women in this case, for example indigenous women. Because, right, they are land managers, they own the land.”
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These problems illustrate that public policies without in-depth studies and public participation risk creating uncertainty that worsens economic and social conditions. Rising living costs, reduced essential services, and untargeted policies burden people, especially women and low-income groups. The government needs to review economic and social policies with more consideration of real impacts. Without a more inclusive and needs-based approach, public discontent could increase and threaten social stability.
Mutiara Ika dari Perempuan Mahardhika highlighted that this government failed to resolve 4 key women’s issues in its first 100 days. These are the rampant cases of femicide, the spread of discriminatory practices and policies against women, the retreat of the Domestic Workers Protection Bill and criminalization, and intimidation of women human rights defenders. However, Prabowo instead went to take care of the food estate.
“Criminalization of Septia, of women environmental human rights defenders. The government fails to support victims, forcing them to fight alone without any meaningful breakthroughs.
Ika invites the public and the women’s movement to work together to see the government if there is no breakthrough like this. Such as inviting to create a women’s defense post, socializing to the grassroots, demanding promises from the government and companies or corporations.
Meanwhile, Novita from the Forum of Service Providers (FPL) saw the implementation of the Sexual Violence Crime Law (TPKS), she saw that 4 implementing regulations for the TPKS Law had not been finalized in 100 days and there were still 3 at the State Secretariat and had not been finalized, which should have been completed at the end of April or 3 years after the TPKS Law was passed, but these 3 implementing regulations were not finalized.
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“So there has been no progress on this implementing regulation in the 100 days of Prabowo Gibran’s administration.”
Victims of sexual violence, for example, are still waiting for integrated services and this applies at the central and regional levels. Currently there are only implementing services at the center and none at the regions.
“The lack of resources prevents the implementation of this integrated service mechanism. The regulation demands the establishment of UPTD PPA by April 2025, within a 3-year timeframe.”
Budget efficiency or cuts have a wider impact on the handling of sexual violence cases. According to Ajeng Gandini, Manager of the Institute for Criminal Justice (ICJR), cases of sexual violence increase every year. However, the state often does not side with victims.
“This is exacerbated by the budget efficiency policy in the 100 days of the new government,” Ajeng said in the media briefing ‘100 Days of the New Government, the State Still Does Not Take Sides with Victims of Sexual Violence’, Thursday (13/2/2025) in Cikini, Central Jakarta.
“Because ironically, almost 90% of victims of sexual violence still do not get full treatment and the right to comprehensive recovery from the state. As mandated by Article 70 paragraph (1) of the TPKS Law, including compensation.”
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In the event, the Consortium for the Acceleration and Strengthening of Advocacy and Implementation of the TPKS Law (ASAP!) consisting of the Humanist and Social Innovation Foundation (Humanis), together with Perempuan Mahardhika, the Service Providers Forum (FPL), and the Institute for Criminal Justice Reform (ICJR), regretted the absence of meaningful progress in the elimination of sexual violence and the implementation of the TPKS Law. The authorities have not yet issued the necessary regulations for the Victim Assistance Fund (DBK).
In fact, SIMFONI data from the Ministry of Women’s Empowerment and Child Protection (KPPPA) has shown an increase in cases of sexual violence. The figure reached 13,156 in 2023. Meanwhile, the percentage of victims who received the highest protection was only 8% in the same year. This means that more than 90% of victims of sexual violence still do not receive full treatment and comprehensive recovery as stated in Article 70 paragraph (1) of the TPKS Law in terms of providing restitution and / or compensation rights. Meanwhile, the state still ignores and considers it an urgency and a danger sign.
Budget cuts have also affected the performance of the Witness and Victim Protection Agency (LPSK). The government intended to cut LPSK’s budget allocation drastically from around 229 billion Rupiah to just 85 billion Rupiah. After that, Commission XIII of the House of Representatives granted the budget efficiency reconstruction proposed by LPSK. So that now they secure a budget of Rp 122,220,952,000. They said they would optimize it for the handling and protection of witnesses and victims.
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Stakeholders view the 62% budget cut as excessively harsh for witness and victim support work. “Coordination between LPSK and related UPTDs in the regions as well, it definitely needs costs too. That includes 85 (billion), which is very small here. When there are no human resources, what can the state do?”
Structurally, the public response to both the TPKS Law and the PPRT Bill reflects a power gap. The interests of vulnerable groups are ignored in favor of a more dominant political agenda. The state’sinability to provide effective protection for women and domestic workers creates legal fragility that allows gender-based violence and economic exploitation to continue without real consequences.
The PPRT Bill remains unpassed, reflecting a similar unresolved situation. The state undervalues reproductive labor by poorly assessing development, deeming it economically insignificant. Domestic workers, the majority of whom are women, remain trapped in exploitative working conditions, without adequate legal protection. By not prioritizing the PPRT Bill, the government ignores women’s domestic work and fails to recognize it as a human rights issue.
