This research is part of the Women’s Special Edition.

Konde.co highlighted the first 100 days of the government in seeing how women’s issues and social justice for marginalized groups are carried out.

This is a crucial phase that reflects the direction, priorities and leadership patterns of the Prabowo-Gibran administration. With increased exposure to information through the media, we hope that analyzing the narratives and responses of public officials will provide insights into the dynamics of the new administration.

Understanding the attitudes and actions of public officials is important to evaluate how state policies are implemented. According to the reason, Konde.co conducted research on the statements of state officials collected from various sources. They include 28 media, organization websites and social media.

The purpose of this analysis is to understand the attitudes and views of public officials regarding the 100-day government policy. Particularly those involving public engagement, as well as to evaluate their responses to cases of public concern during this period of government. In addition, this research also highlights the behavior or actions of officials that trigger criticism from the public.

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This research is limited to the Prabowo-Gibran red and white cabinet, excluding the legislative and judicial branches of government. Data was obtained from media coverage published during the period October 20, 2024 to January 28, 2025. Data sources were obtained from 28 local, national and international media such as Tempo, CNN Indonesia, Kompas, Kabar24bisnis.com, Suara.com, Ayoindonesia.com, Tirto.id, Antaranews.com, Elshinta.com, Narasi.tv, Kompas.com, KBR.id, Detik.com, Liputan6.com, Mediaindonesia.com, The Jakarta Post, CNBC Indonesia, CNA Indonesia, Kupasbengkulu.com, Assumption.co, BBC.com, VOI.id, Kumparan.com, Metrotvnews.com, JPPN.com, Kontan.co.id, Bloomberg, and Katadata. In addition, the analysis also includes data from official websites such as mui.or.id and social media platforms, including Instagram, X (formerly Twitter), and YouTube.

Konde.co found 144 controversial statements from red and white cabinet officials within 100 days of the Prabowo-Gibran administration (October 20, 2024 – January 28, 2025) that received public criticism. Based on this data, we then divided it into 12 categories of statements, including:

1. Women and Children Issues

In general, women’s issues did not appear much in official statements during the 100 days of government, let alone on the issue of gender equality. If it appears, it becomes public criticism. This is not surprising, as there are only five female ministers and eight female deputy ministers in the cabinet itself. In other words, only 13 percent of women overall in the red and white cabinet.

Still at the beginning of the Prabowo-Gibran administration, the President at that time inaugurated Garuda Party Chairman Ahmad Ridha Sabana as Presidential Special Envoy for Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises, Creative and Digital Economy who had been reported for mistreatment of women. Although the report was withdrawn under the pretext that it had been resolved amicably, the inauguration of Riza Patria’s younger brother also did not escape criticism.

The gloom of women’s representation that is limited to mere symbolism also came out of the statement of the Minister of Komdigi, Meutya Hafid about the inauguration of the artist, Raline Shah as Special Staff for Global Partnerships and Digital Education Komdigi.

“Mbak Raline represents of art workers, represents women’s representation and has quite good connections with the international community.”

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Minister Meutya Hafid’s statement emphasizes that Raline represents several groups (arts workers, women, and the international community). But it does not explain how this representation will specifically be implemented in relevant tasks and policies. This raises the question of whether the appointment is truly based on expertise or simply to give the impression of inclusivity to women.

On the other hand, Raline Shah’s family background, which has close ties to politics and business, may lead to the perception that her appointment is not entirely based on professional competence, but rather on social networks or power relations. This reinforces the impression of a conflict of interest, casting doubt on her integrity and objectivity as special staff.

Another statement came from Human Rights Minister Natalius Pigai about an insignificant statement that has the tendency to objectify women.

At the appointment procession of Ministry of Human Rights officials, Natalius Pigai said in his speech, “I have not had a wife for 13 years, only three girlfriends. Three bosses, three of me, I never did anything. Instagram is open, Twitter is open, Facebook is open, WA is open, no one terrorizes me. Because we are good.”

The statement, while aimed at conveying the message of not having an affair, has the potential to objectify women as it focuses more on the number of relationships Pigai has and his “good image”. 

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By mentioning that he had three girlfriends over 13 years and emphasizing transparency such as “open Instagram, open Twitter, “open Facebook, open WA,” his main focus seems to be on proving himself as someone who is not problematic or “good,” instead of emphasizing the importance of the value of loyalty and respect for partners in relationships. 

This framing can reduce the couple to just part of Pigai’s personal morality proving without paying attention to them as individuals with feelings and agency. This, while not explicitly objective, can create the impression that women in the context are not fully valued as individuals, but rather as elements that support Pigai’s image.

Apart from the Minister, officials such as Miftah Maulana, who previously held the position of Presidential Special Envoy for Religious Harmony and Development of Religious Facilities, are also problematic on women’s issues. He was caught on video harassing sinden Yati Pesek by saying, “I am grateful that Bude Yati is ugly, so she became a sinden (singer). If she was beautiful, she posssible become a bit**h. I’m afraid to die first, this milk has expired.”

Although she has resigned, Miftah’s poor track record in office sets a bad precedent for the Prabowo Gibran administration on gender equality issues.

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On the issue of children, one of the statements that drew criticism was the statement of the Minister of Women’s Empowerment and Child Protection, Arifah Choiri Fauzi. about the prohibition of students getting assignments through gadgets, which can be considered not touching the root of the problem. The problem of gadget use in children should be resolved as a whole.

“If we are proposing to the Minister of Education and Culture, ‘Prof, may we not from the ministry propose not to assign schools to children no longer through gadgets but through manuals only,” said Arifatul Choiri Fauzi.

Along with that, Meutya Hafid, Minister of Komdigi also expressed a similar statement.

“In principle, while bridging a more stable regulation, the government will issue a government regulation first (regarding the age limit for accessing social media) while then the child protection study is even stronger, because it must involve the DPR, we will prepare it.”

Both statements can be criticized as they tend to simplify the complex issues in technology-based education without touching the real root of the problem.

The main problem lies not in the use of the devices themselves, but in the inequality of access to devices and unequal digital literacy. Proposing the elimination of digital-based assignments and returning to manual methods may not solve the underlying issues of educational quality and equal access.

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In addition, this statement should be supported by in-depth analysis or empirical evidence showing that manual methods are more effective than technology-based learning. By focusing only on learning media without considering pedagogical innovations or better teaching methods, this statement looks reactive rather than becomes a solution. 

More relevant solutions should be directed at managing the use of gadgets wisely, developing digital literacy, and empowering teachers and students to optimally utilize technology in the learning process.

2. Unfounded Election of Officials

The selection of a number of officials by the Prabowo-Gibran cabinet has also drawn sharp criticism for not being based on competency considerations or relevant track records.

Apart from Miftah Maulana and Ahmad Ridha Sabana, several other inaugurations also triggered questions, especially because the justifications provided by the appointees tended to ignore substantial aspects.

The Minister of Communications and Digital, Meutya Hafid, for example, appointed Raline Shah and Rudi Sutanto as special staff on what she considered weak grounds. For Rudi Sutanto, who is known as a buzzer, Meutya argued that she “did not want to speculate” onhis track record, although his involvement in political communication strategies was highlighted.

Meutya only mentioned that from the CV received, Rudi is a communication strategist, without elaborating on the credibility or impact of Rudi’s role in the ministry. This statement reflects a lack of caution in the selection process of strategic officials in the ministry, especially in areas closely related to public opinion.

“I don’t know. The Rudi Sutanto I know is Rudi Sutanto. So I don’t want to speculate on who Rudi Sutanto is, but from the CV we received, he is also a communication strategist. So it also colors in this ministry, because the ministry is not only digital but also in the field of communication.”

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Similar criticism was also raised over the inauguration of celebrity Raffi Ahmad as the President’s Special Envoy for the Development of Young Generation and Art Workers. Although Raffi is widely known as a public figure, his appointment is considered to lack a clear professional foundation, especially for a strategic role such as fostering the younger generation.

Within a short time of being sworn in, Raffi was embroiled in several controversies, including allegations of using a fake honoris causa doctorate and an incident of arrogance regarding the use of a patrol car. These controversies worsened the image of the inauguration, showing a lack of caution in assessing the potential impact of appointing a public figure prone to negative attention.

Overall, this series of inaugurations highlights serious problems in the selection process of officials that should be thick on transparency, accountability, and focus on integrity, instead, competence seems to be overlooked. Without a solid foundation, these kinds of decisions not only risk undermining public trust but also reduce the effectiveness of the institution in carrying out its duties.

3. Authoritarianism Style

The authoritarian tendencies of Prabowo’s government are already evident in the way he deals with dissent. One of the main characteristics of authoritarianism is demanding absolute compliance and suppressing dissent. This is evident in his statements.

“Those who do not support this (free lunch), please leave the government that I lead.” 

This statement is dangerous because it closes the space for dialog in a supposedly democratic system of government.

In a democratic system, policies should be subjected to public scrutiny, academic review, and discussion involving various stakeholders. However, with this threat, Prabowo is closing the discussion space for members of his own government, which reflects an authoritarian and anti-criticism attitude.

In addition, his disdain for intellectualism is evident in his statements towards academics who criticize his programs.

“I wanted to create a program to feed all Indonesian children and was ridiculed. There are even those who disagree until now. Now there are smart professors who don’t agree? I wonder. Are professors smart or stupid? I don’t know.”

The attacks on intellectuals show that this government is not ready for data-based criticism. In fact, academics have an important role in examining public policy objectively. If the government starts stigmatizing critical academics, then this is a sign that policies are not based on rational debate, but rather on the absolute will of the ruler.

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This authoritarian attitude is also evident in his relationship with the press. His statement to journalists, “I think this media is still young, yes. So there are things that if parents speak, children must wait outside,” showing a hierarchical mindset and disrespect for press freedom.

The statement shows an attitude that considers journalists not part of the checks and balances system in a democracy, but only as parties who must submit to the government’s narrative. This threatens press freedom and media independence in carrying out its social control function.

The press should have the same rights to gather information and question government policies, instead of being considered as “children” who must wait outside.

Vice President Gibran Rakabuming even went so far as to emphasize that there is no room for other initiatives beyond the president’s vision.

“Once again, ladies and gentlemen, I underline that there is no vision other than President Prabowo’s vision. There is no other program other than President Prabowo’s program.”

This statement emphasizes that all policies must be subject to one line of command with no room for innovation or alternative policies from the regions or ministries. This condition can create policy homogenization.

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Tito Karnavian, Minister of Home Affairs, also showed indications of central government intervention in regional authority or autonomy by stating, “I have conducted zoom meetings with all regional secretaries, some of whom have allocated budgets in their APBD.”

Such interventions can lead to centralization of power that erodes the principle of regional autonomy. If left unchecked, local governments will become mere extensions of the centre without the flexibility to determine policies according to local needs.

4. Environmental Issues that are Not Ecologically Perspective

Insensitivity to environmental issues is one of the most worrying aspects of this administration.

Instead of committing to sustainability, various officials’ statements show that their orientation is more towards the exploitation of natural resources without taking into account long-term ecological impacts.

Zulkifli Hasan, the Coordinating Minister for Food, tried to rationalize the food estate project by stating: “Don’t worry, brothers and sisters, we are not cutting down new trees, because in Merauke it was already prepared for agriculture, so it already level ground and there are no other trees.”

This statement contradicts a report by Yayasan Pusaka Bentala Rakyat, which states that the food estate in Merauke will cause massive deforestation. This project will not only destroy the ecosystem, but also threaten the sustainability of the lives of indigenous people who depend on the forest.

Raja Juli Antoni expressed even greater ambition, stating, “We have identified 20 million hectares of forest that can be utilized for food, energy and water reserves.”

This figure of 20 million hectares is very worrying because it shows that the government has a big agenda in exploiting forests without careful ecological considerations.

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Prabowo himself did not show a commitment to environmental conservation with his statement, “I think in the future we should increase oil palm planting. No need to be afraid of harm, deforestation.”

This statement contradicts numerous studies that show that the palm oil industry is one of the main causes of tropical forest loss in Indonesia. If palm oil expansion continues without strict regulations, Indonesia will lose its ecological assets with irreparable long-term impacts.

5. Class Bias

One of the big problems in this administration is how state officials often show a disconnect from the social reality of society.

Tito Karnavian, for example, tried to deny the decline in people’s purchasing power by saying, “What does it mean, people have money to take care of themselves. They go to the salon, maybe they go for a foot massage, a haircut, they go for fashions.”

This statement seems to suggest that the indicator of public welfare can be measured by lifestyle consumption. In fact, the deflation that occurred was more caused by the purchasing power of the people who decreased drastically due to various economic factors.

Meanwhile, Immanuel Ebenezer (Noel), the Deputy Minister of Manpower, gave a unreachable solution response to the difficulty of employment for Gen Z by saying, “Online business through the house, no need to look for workers for business friends.”

This statement ignores the fact that not everyone has the capital to start a business. If the government does not provide policies that favor formal job creation, then economic inequality will sharpen.

6. Unsubstantiated and off-the-cuff comments (Rubbish talk)

In government, public officials’ statements should be based on data, careful analysis, and be responsible for the impact of their words.

However, in Prabowo’s cabinet, unsubstantiated and off-the-cuff statements have become a trend that reflects a lack of policy understanding and low standards of public communication. 

Budi Gunawan, Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs, claims:

“At the beginning of this year, Mr. President also gave a special gift in the form of cancelling the VAT increase from the planned 12% to a fixed 11%.”

This statement indirectly misleads the public because it frames economic decisions as a “gift” from the President, as if this is the government’s generosity, not a policy that must consider the purchasing power of the people. In fact, this policy is not a gift, but a fiscal decision that should be based on economic analysis, not a showcase for populist politics.

Meanwhile, Natalius Pigai issued a statement indicating a lack of program planning:

“We don’t have a 100-day program. We have an emergency conditions program to build the people and the nation for five years if it is maintained.”

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The vagueness of the program in the first 100 days is an indication of the government’s weak vision and strategy. The “emergency conditions” program is also not concretely explained, as if the government will only operate in emergency mode without a systematic policy foundation.

To make matters worse, Natalius Pigai admitted in an official DPR meeting that he had not read the materials provided:

“Mr. Chairman and members whom I respect, I may not read too much, the materials provided by us. Because I myself come from a parking lot worker.”

This statement not only embarrasses himself, but also reflects the low standard of competence in the circle of power. Public officials should have the capacity to read, understand and discuss policies critically, instead of using their personal background as an excuse to not prepare themselves.

Tito Karnavian also made a statement that seemed unprofessional when discussing the hacking of state institution websites: “But, I’m not challenging my hacker friends, no. Please, don’t beat them up like that.”

This statement illustrates how weak the government is in dealing with cyber threats. Instead of showing a firm stance to strengthen the country’s digital security system, it looks like he is asking for mercy from hackers.

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Maman Abdurrahman, Minister of MSMEs, also made a statement that caused controversy: “Our goal is to give space to those in the small and medium enterprise sector so that they can grow into large businesses.”

However, policies that encourage SMEs to manage mines raise big questions, not only in terms of business feasibility, but also in terms of political interests and environmental impacts. The mining industry is an extractive sector that has high risks to ecosystems and surrounding communities. Instead of empowering SMEs in a sustainable manner, this policy could open up space for environmental exploitation under the pretext of people’s economic participation.

Mining is often closely linked to the interests of oligarchs and large corporations, so giving access to SMEs in this industry can be a political strategy to perpetuate the interests of certain groups. Instead of creating economic independence based on green industry or creative economy, SMEs are directed to sectors that are full of land conflicts, ecosystem destruction, and exploitation of non-renewable natural resources.

7. Contradictory Use of Power

One of the hallmarks of a problematic government is when they set rules but break them themselves for the sake of political or group interests.

Prabowo, who is supposed to maintain neutrality in the elections, openly supported a particular gubernatorial candidate. This is also exacerbated by the involvement of celebrities such as Raffi Ahmad, who supports Ridwan Kamil and Andra Soni. This kind of partisanship blurs the line between state interests and personal/party political interests.

Moreover, the use of the State Budget (APBN) for social assistance programs titled “Vice Presidential Assistance” shows how social policies are often politicized for the sake of the government’s image.

Instead of being distributed in a transparent and needs-based manner, social assistance is often used as a tool to mobilize political support.

His status as a public official was also abused by Yandri Susanto, Minister of Villages and Disadvantaged Regions. He used the ministry’s letterhead for his personal haul event.

When asked about the case that happened in his first week in office, Yandri said “Yes [there was a mistake] because I just became a minister. I did three periods in the DPR, yes, let’s just learn.” The expression was conveyed to understand the arbitrariness committed.

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During the election season, Yandri was also seen participating in a campaign in Bengkulu to support a candidate from Zulkifli Hasan’s family.

Violation of the principle of meritocracy was also seen in the recruitment policy of Kominfo (now Komdigi) employees, which was then held by Budi Arie. When asked about the problematic employee recruitment islah, Budi Arie, who is now the Minister of Cooperatives, answered lightly, “Skill is more important than diploma.”

This statement contradicts the principle of competency-based selection. If this excuse is used to recruit employees who do not meet the official selection requirements, then this policy opens up space for nepotism and abuse of authority.

Satryo Soemantri Brodjonegoro, Minister of Higher Education, Science and Technology, also faced controversy for allegedly firing workers without clear procedures. This shows that even institutions responsible for education and innovation are not free from arbitrary policies that contravene labor laws.

All of these actions show how Prabowo’s administration often sets the rules but breaks them for its own ends, further weakening the legal system and good governance.

8. No diversity perspective

In a pluralistic society, the government should be the glue that maintains balance and harmony between groups.

However, various statements from state officials have reinforced polarization and ignored the perspective of diversity.

Maruarar Sirait, for example, openly stated: “Then non-Muslim voters left Rano Karno because he was supported by Anies. Left Pramono because he was supported by Anies.”

This statement seems to emphasize that religion is the main determinant in people’s political preferences, and it reinforces negative sentiments towards certain groups. Instead of embracing diversity, this statement sharpens identity barriers that are harmful to social cohesion.

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More worrying things came from Nasarudin Umar, who said: 

“We are on Thamrin-Sudirman road, this is the golden triangle, all along Thamrin-Sudirman and along Kuningan there are no mosques on the road.”

“We should not let this area of Jakarta have no mosque. Around 1,000 hectares in Pantai Indah Kapuk (PIK) have no call to prayer.”

This statement shows a tendency to view urban planning only from the perspective of one group, without considering the diversity that exists. Jakarta is a city with various religious and cultural communities, and any spatial policy should be based on a balance between various interests, not just a sectarian narrative.

This insensitivity to diversity in government further shows that instead of being the glue of the nation, the state can actually be a divisive factor if it is not careful in building inclusivity-based policies.

9. Statement Distortion

Distortion of statements is often a political communication strategy to give a positive impression of policies that actually do not bring significant changes or even cover up existing facts. One clear example is Prabowo’s statement on teacher welfare:

“We have increased the budget to improve the welfare of teachers who are ASN and PPPK and non ASN teachers. ASN teachers get additional welfare of 1 times the basic salary. Non-ASN teachers have their professional allowance increased to Rp2 million.”

This statement uses language that seems to describe an increase in teacher salaries. However, if analyzed more critically, there is no salary increase in question. Since 2008, the Teacher Professional Allowance (TPG) for ASN teachers who have received teaching certificates has been one times the basic salary. “Increased to 2 million” is also ambiguous, in reality, the increase in allowance is only Rp500,000.

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The statement is a form of narrative play that has the potential to mislead the public, especially those who do not examine the policy in detail. The same thing happened with Airlangga Hartanto’s statement regarding Pantai Indah Kapuk (PIK) 2:

“PIK 2 has never been a PSN. What became PSN was the ecotourism there. Coastland.”

However, the Ministry of Investment itself revealed that PIK 2 has indeed been designated as a National Strategic Project (PSN) based on an Internal Meeting at the State Palace in March 2024. Airlangga’s statement not only contradicts the facts, but also shows an attempt to manipulate information related to large projects that often involve business and investment interests. Such distortions are dangerous because they obscure policy transparency and prevent governments from being held accountable.

10. Statements without a human rights perspective

The neglect of human rights issues has come under scrutiny in this administration, particularly through the statements of Yusril Ihza Mahendra, the Coordinating Minister for Law, Human Rights, Immigration and Corrections.

On various occasions, Yusril has consistently downplayed or even rejected the significance of past human rights violations.

“Let’s not keep looking to the past. Moreover, the past is very difficult for us to uncover, perhaps because the evidence is no longer there, or the event was a long time ago.”

This statement shows a tendency to bury cases of gross human rights violations under the pretext of time that has passed. In fact, many countries have shown that resolving human rights cases can be done even after decades have passed.

When asked about the events of 1998, Yusril firmly stated: 

“No (the events of 98 tragedy were not considered as human rights violations).”

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This attitude reflects a denial of historical facts that have been recognized by many parties, including survivors and human rights organizations. Even when asked for a response about the case of the shooting of Gamma by the authorities, he only replied: 

“Later.”

The statement was considered by human rights activists as a form of harassment of the rights of victims who have long demanded justice.

In addition, the next statement made it clear that the current legal policy orientation is more inclined towards impunity.

“President Prabowo has the authority to grant amnesty and abolition for any criminal offense, including corruption.”

This statement suggests that under Prabowo’s leadership, there is great potential for abuse of power to protect those involved in corruption or human rights violations. If amnesties and abolitions can be granted arbitrarily, this will further weaken the legal system and set a bad precedent for democracy and human rights in Indonesia.

11. Silencing Freedom of Expression

Repressive governments often use the pretext of “security” to restrict freedom of expression, and this is starting to show in their policies.

One clear example is the appointment of Brigadier General Alexander Sabar as Acting Director General of Digital Space Monitoring at Komdigi. This move has been widely criticized for involving police officers in the oversight of digital spaces, potentially curtailing freedom of speech and increasing state control over public opinion.

On the other hand, Prabowo also threw a discourse that has the potential to reduce democracy:

“I see our neighboring countries are efficient, Malaysia, Singapore, India, once electing DPRD members, once electing, yes, the DPRD is the one who chooses the governor, chooses the regent.”

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This proposal contradicts the principle of direct democracy that has been implemented in post-reform Indonesia. If regional heads are elected by the DPRD, there is a great risk that elections will be influenced by political transactions rather than popular aspirations.

In addition, silencing also occurs in the art world. Fadli Zon, the Minister of Culture, on the grounds of morality, authorized the reduction of paintings by the painter, Yos Suprapto, which were considered inappropriate:

“Some are naked. They’re having sex. That’s not appropriate.”

This condition shows the government’s tendency to control artistic expression with narrow standards of morality, which can actually hinder the development of freedom of expression in cultural and intellectual spaces.

12. The Nature of Militarism

The militaristic nature of this government is increasingly evident in various policies that prioritize the military approach in aspects that should be civilian-based.

One example is the policy of using the TNI in the agricultural sector in Papua on the grounds of a lack of labor.

“This is because the labor force there [Papua] is lacking and to educate, we collaborate because the TNI, right, is very disciplined,” said Andi Amran Sulaiman, Minister of Agriculture.

The pretext of “discipline” used to involve the military in the agricultural sector shows a mindset that tends to prioritize a command approach over a community development-based approach. In fact, food security should be a civilian domain based on research and community participation, not a space for military intervention.

TNI can also now serve without having to retire as a ministerial-level official. This happened to Major Teddy who was appointed as Cabinet Secretary. This case is an indication of the return of TNI’s dual function in state administration.

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In addition, there is a retreat plan for regional heads that reflects efforts to institutionalize military mentality in civilian government. In November 2024, this was revealed by Gibran Rakabuming until it was finally realized by the Ministry of Home Affairs.

“Maybe Mr. Minister of Home Affairs, maybe next year we will just shift the coordination meeting to Akmil, Akmil Magelang.”

“We had three days yesterday, but maybe for regional heads, at least five days.”

Such an approach raises concerns that the leadership style to be instilled in government emphasizes obedience and hierarchy rather than openness and deliberation. If the regional heads are formed in a militaristic culture, the leadership patterns that emerge tend to be authoritarian and less accommodating to the aspirations of the people.

This increased role of the military in various civilian aspects has the potential to narrow democratic space. It reduces civilian control overpublic policy, and undermines the principles of participatory governance.

Militarism is increasingly entrenched in government and can threaten political freedoms. As well as forming a more repressive government in managing dissent and opposition.

Clean up or our patience is gone

Reflections on the first 100 days of the Prabowo-Gibran administration reveal fundamental weaknesses in understanding and addressing issues of gender equality and social justice as a whole.

The representation of women in the cabinet, which only reaches 13 percent, shows that the presence of women in government only achieves symbolic representation. The appointment of officials such as Raline Shah on the grounds of “women’s representation,” without clarity on real strategic contributions, shows that women’s involvement is often only a tool to build an image of inclusiveness without touching the root causes of structural inequality.

In addition, sexist and biased statements by some state officials reflect a lack of understanding and sensitivity to the importance of respecting women as individuals with full agency. When women are reduced to objects of morality or complements to political narratives, this not only creates symbolic wounds, but also reinforces social structures that place women in subordinate positions.

The lack of concrete movements designed to empower women and address gender inequality confirms that women have not been prioritized in the country’s development vision when viewed from the 100 days of government work.

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Injustice is also evident in environmental issues. Policies that encourage the exploitation of natural resources do not consider the impact on women, especially indigenous women who depend on local ecosystems for their survival. These policies destroy successive neighborhoods of women’s communities who are often the backbone of families and communities in the affected areas.

This government’s growing pattern of authoritarianism poses a serious threat to marginalized groups, including women. When democratic space and freedom of speech are narrowed, women who are often at the forefront of the struggle for social rights will be the group most affected by repressive policies. The government does not seem ready to accept criticism and input from various groups, including women, who should be an integral part of decision-making.

This administration will deepen existing inequalities unless it takes concrete steps to overhaul the biased and exploitative system. We need a strong commitment to ensure women are not only represented but also recognized as key actors in all development aspects.

This evaluation reflects that the Prabowo-Gibran administration is still far from the public’s expectation to build inclusive, democratic and social justice-based governance from 100 working days. The government must urgently change course, strengthening its commitment to the principles of democracy, equality and sustainability.

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To restore public trust, authorities must prioritize transparency in decision-making processes, respect criticism, and foster broad community involvement.

Otherwise, the potential for a crisis of political legitimacy will grow, posing a much more serious risk to social stability and the future of democracy in Indonesia.

Research team

Researcher: Luthfi Maulana Adhari

Graphics: Ardiles

Editor: Salsabila Putri Pertiwi, Nurul Nur Azizah, Luviana Ariyanti

Translator: Theresia Pratiwi Elingsetyo Sanubari