On World Labor Day 2025, Konde.co launched research or data journalism on the situation and conditions of ojol women. This coverage was aired on April 30-May 1, 2025, which is part of the #MeiMelawan 2025 series.

The results of Konde.co’ research published on April 30, 2025, stated that the lives of online ojek (ojol) women are reproductively exploited, and undermined by platform capitalism that extracts in a pseudo partnership system. This research was conducted on ojol women in 9 cities in Indonesia to find out gender issues and masculinity of work.

In this second publication, the Konde.co team met a number of ojol women working in Sukabumi and Yogyakarta, and contacted the ojol applicator company to find out their working conditions.

Renny, is an online ojek (ojol) driver from Sukabumi who has never been tired of voicing the problems experienced by women ojol or lady ojol. She is a member of the Democracy Union of Indonesian Ojol Drivers (SDPI). At SPDI, Renny recorded that there are many reproductive problems that occur in ojol women. For example, there are ojol who miscarry because they are still working until 8 months of their pregnancy.

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“The miscarriage happened because she is still working for 8 months. She still keep working even she is 8 months pregnant; there is no maternity leave.”

In addition, there are ojol women who have to remove their uterus due to bleeding. Renny explained during the discussion section, which was organized by the Indonesian Women’s Alliance (API) on March 8, 2025. She revealed about ojol women who continue to work even though they are 8 months pregnant because there are no holiday rules for ojol. Everything is in the name of partnership relations with the company, but if you don’t work for a long time, there is an assessment of poor performance or algorithms.

“We are forced to become ojol because the state cannot provide employment. In ojol there is no interference from government rules or policies, so we have to join the community. The frequent of neglection makes us unable to speak out. The government and employers ignore all of our problems” said Renny.

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Being a female online ojek (ojol) is no less complicated than male ojol. The small number, which is 20%, makes them a minority. We do not have space to protest because we do not know who is our representative and our numbers are less.

These ojol women experience women’s labor issues such as reproductive health, because they have been working in the name of partnership with the company, yet the position of the partnership is not equal. Also, they complain a lot about the lack of work space, work tools and problem solving.

For example, their working time is spent on the road, but they have no space to sit, eat, bathroom, or even more luxurious space for ojol who are pregnant and breastfeeding. So even those who are heavily pregnant, there is no place to rest or sit. They find their own stalls to sit and rest. The problem increases because they also have to spend money every time they rest at a stall while looking for a clean toilet.

“There are no toilets for ojol drivers, what about pregnant women if they need a toilet quickly?” said Renny.

If they protest, the ojol applicator company will ‘treats’ the female ojol drivers to remain loyal and not fight back. One example, Renny said, was during the Kartini Day commemoration on April 21. In Jabodetabek, there were around 20 female ojol drivers who were ‘pampered’ with manicure and pedicure facilities on Kartini Day. They also got salon facilities and were dressed up. Renny said that this treatment happened to make the female partners would ‘stop’ demanding justice.

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Sedane magazine writes that this is because the algorithms built by app-based transportation companies are not women-friendly. As written in research conducted by the Sedane Labor Information Institute (LIPS) and written in Sedane Magazine.

First, about 80 percent of ojol users are women. Meanwhile, female ojol drivers are only 20 percent of the total . With simple math, female ojol drivers should have more opportunities to get orders. In reality, female ojol get more male customers, which means they are prone to cancelling because female drivers are considered incapable of driving a motorcycle.

Second, the gamification system of the online transportation algorithm requires continuous on bid with consistent timing. Application deactivation due to menstruation or pregnancy affects account performance. Performance is one element of assessment to get orders. Of course, the algorithm does not care if the on bid time is due to household chores. Thus, the flexibility of working hours for ojol is nonsense.

Third, the wage per trip conditions women to be unable to leave their jobs. Leaving work due to menstruation or pregnancy will automatically not get paid.

At the Indonesian Ojol Driver Democracy Union (SDPI), Renny discussed whether they would make ojol workers or partners. Renny herself tends to encourage ojol drivers as workers, because the status as workers will guarantee their rights be fulfilled.

“Even though workers in the manufacturing sector are actually (in) bad condition, because the laws made by the government are actually more to accommodate employers than to fight for and protect the workers themselves,” said Renny when met by Konde.co.

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One of the labor rights that ojol drivers currently lack is income security. Earnings that rely entirely on the number of orders leave them with no certainty about it. In addition, it is not uncommon for ojol drivers to have to spend their own capital to work. Such as providing a motorcycle or car, gasoline, cell phone, credit, and so on.

In fact, according to Renny, the clothes they wear also require their own capital. However, on the other hand, they are asked to advertise the applicator or employer.

Ojol drivers are also not given health insurance by the applicator or employer. Instead, they have to spend their own money to access health services.

“At least protection in general, social protection is poor. Whether male or female,” Renny said. “What’s more for women. Because for women, we have menstrual cycles, childbirth, it’s really a concern. Not only for women but also the entire ojol, there is no social security, whether it’s work accidents or health.”

In fact, Renny continued, the costs due to work accidents must be borne by the drivers themselves. Health insurance such as BPJS-TK is also submitted independently, because the applicator does not guarantee protection from work accidents.

“But we have to protect ourselves by paying the pool independently, such as we pay BPJS-TK independently. Health is the same.”

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In fact, the risk of work accidents in long-term effects of working outdoors are also become concern for health. They are exposed to pollution on the streets, bad weather, and so on. The risk of lung disease and blood disorders often looms over ojol drivers, especially female ojol drivers who tend to be more vulnerable. Unfortunately, social health insurance is not guaranteed at all by the applicator, not even by the government. So ojol drivers must do everything possible to protect themselves.

“For example, in our very minimal income; if we get sick, we also don’t have the money to get sick. Finally, we are forced to be healthy in a sick country,” said Renny.

Stigmatized as ‘Not Right Woman’, Harassed, and Experienced Domestic Violence

In addition to physical and reproductive health, Renny explained, the level of depression of female ojol drivers is higher than that of workers in general.

The causes of stress vary, from traffic jams, exhaust noise, to lack of support from family. The last factor is important because there is still a bad stigma against women who choose to become ojol drivers. “(Considered) women ‘not right’,” said Renny. She mimicked one of the stigmatizing sentences she had heard.

“Instead of working as an ojol driver, you should work in a factory!”

She herself also experienced this stigma because she worked as a female ojol driver. Her biological brother did not allow her to ‘pull’ ojol. The reason is that her brother thinks that being a motorcycle taxi driver is not a woman’s job. So women who do it are often looked down upon.

“Secondly, (when driving ojek) women have to hang out on the street. That also makes the family ashamed to admit that ‘she is my family’, because of her work,” Renny said.

Cases of domestic violence (KDRT) can also occur to female ojol drivers. Renny explained, usually violence occurs because the husband is jealous when his wife becomes an ojol driver and carries a man. Stigma against female ojol drivers arises from the surrounding community, fellow ojol drivers, to the closest environment such as family. Things like this also increase stress and depression among female ojol drivers.

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Women who become ojol drivers are also vulnerable to sexual harassment and violence while working. Women are often the minority in the ojol driver community. Renny gave an example, in one driver community group, there are usually only about 2-5 women. With such conditions, they are forced to normalize various forms of harassment committed by men in the group around them. The use of pornographic stickers in group chats, harassing language, and insults  to women’s limbs are daily conditions faced by female ojol drivers. In the end, it had to be taken for granted.

“That’s because we are in a group of guys,” said Renny.

“They don’t see that there are women in the group or community. And we have to normalize that.”

Furthermore, the male’s driver community often defend themselves by saying that what they are doing is not meant to harass women. Or, they don’t feel that it is harassment of women. Its occur often for female ojol drivers who are widows.

“they said “it’s better if you are with me” repeatedly” Renny gave an example of the harassment of widowed women among ojol drivers bitterly.

Not only among drivers, harassment of female ojol drivers is also carried out by customers and people they don’t know.

No Maternity Leave, Reproductive Health Disrupted to Miscarriage

Social and health security is especially important for female workers. This is because women have menstrual, pregnancy, and childbirth cycles that require them to rest when needed. Unfortunately, such maternity leave is a luxury that female ojol drivers cannot afford.

“They gave us absolutely nothing,” said Renny.

“They don’t give us a holiday rights. We have no vacation at all. When menstruating, we are forced to work. Even during pregnant. There are some friends who have had miscarriages. Some of them experience health problems during pregnancy and even some of them have to remove their uterus.”

Ironically, although cases often occur to female ojol drivers, the applicator ignores them. In fact, when women’s pregnancies are so close to delivery, they still have to think about their performance and status as ojol drivers.

“if in two weeks we don’t run orders, there will be a warning,” said Renny. “One month we don’t run the app, there will be a suspension. Three months we don’t run the application, we will be permanently terminated. It’s partner termination or layoffs, if you’re in a factory.”

This condition forces women to continue working as ojol drivers, even when they are heavily pregnant. In fact, women should not be allowed to do strenuous activities for at least 40 days before giving birth. Meanwhile, the applicator does not provide any compensation to female ojol drivers who experience miscarriages or pregnancy disorders due to work.

“It is not long-term notice. For example, in one week we have 1-2 days off, when we come back, we will very difficult to get order,” explained Renny.

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“So sometimes we are forced to work. Forced not to take a vacation, including during menstruation. Because if we don’t use the application for 1-2 days, when we turn it on again it is more difficult.”

Renny said, there was a female ojol driver in Sukabumi who experienced pregnancy problems due to working while pregnant. She had to have her uterus removed.

“Because she (works) until the night. There are many shock while driving and there is problem with her pregnancy. She supposed to do caesarean, so the was bleeding during the accident.”

The child was born and has now grown up. However, the ojol driver woman had to have her uterus removed due to the incident. Now the woman is rarely active as ojol driver”

Meanwhile, in Tangerang, there was case of miscarried due to working as an ojol driver. Renny said, “Because of the uncertain income as ojol driver, she ended up extending her working hours until night. Mostly at night. Finally, the miscarriage occurred. When she was pregnant, she was often stay up the whole night. Meanwhile, the night weather is not always good for pregnant women.”

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In both cases, the applicator or ojol company did not provide any compensation. This becomes the personal responsibility of the women ojol drivers. Renny added, even the cost of giving birth was their own responsibility.

“There is no allowance, nothing. BPJS is individual responsibility. BPJS Health is not facilitated by the applicator at all.”

Verbal Exploitation: Women are Praised by Applicators, But Their Basic Rights Are Ignored

Renny continued, women also tend to be more exploited in verbal terms. One of the ojol applicators, she said, declared that they had helped many breadwinner women to be able to support their families. The company raised the narrative of a woman who did not have a husband and they helped to send her children to school until graduation.

“It’s like we are given a job, but we are not given protection,” said Renny.

Although at first glance female ojol drivers seem fine because the applicator provides work, they have difficulty getting the protection and rights as workers. In addition, Renny added, the work they do is not feasible. However, many women ojol drivers still don’t realize that.

“Actually, they exploit women because the woman does not realize that she is being exploited. Because she thinks, ‘Oh, if I didn’t have this, maybe I wouldn’t be able to work’.”

The lack of awareness of the exploitation of female ojol drivers is partly because sometimes they will get  a high number of orders. Meanwhile, their own working conditions are not decent with uncertain income, no fixed working hours, and so on.

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Renny provides a simulation of the high order in question. “Let’s say there is high demand order. She gets more than 20 trips a day. Indeed, the female (driver) is more skilful; she can make 20 trips per day. With a nominal value of 250 thousand, the total salary might be bigger than work in a factory- in their perspective” She added, “Actually, when the order is 20 trips accordingly, they see the nominal value. ‘Oh, I get this much money’, for example 250 thousand (a day). If the salary in the factory, I think it might be small. In fact, working 20 trips means she works harder. The gasoline expenditure is more, the fatigue level is more. Actually, if it is worth their income, then they can get better”

The illusion of a ‘good’ income cover the fact that women are more exhausted and have to spend more on gas, service, and so on. As a result, many of them do not realize that it is a form of exploitation. The high income in a day is actually goes to the applicator instead of the driver.

“If they did that, their motorbike will break down faster, the maintenance costs will be higher. The cost of gasoline will also be more. They don’t calculate that.”

The doctrine of the applicator and the ojol income scheme makes ojol drivers focus more on the nominal amount earned to meet the needs of themselves and their families. Then, they only realize the exploitation when the number of orders and income decreases.

“It was deliberately created by the system so that these people would later become their shields,” Renny explained. “If we leave the business, we are confront our own friends. The applicator will take care of them and will provide facilities to them so that they willing to defend the applicator.”

Ojol’s ‘Flexible Work’ Illusion for Women

One of the issues in Indonesia’s labor force is the age limit to apply for a job, especially for women. The age of 30 is often seen as not prime enough for women to work in public sectors. In addition, educational background is also often influential in applying for jobs. In fact, many women still have difficulty reaching certain levels of education due to gender inequality.

This condition makes many people, especially women, feel that being an ojol driver is easier to do than applying for a formal job. Plus, the illusion of work flexibility as an ojol driver makes them think that they can choose working hours based on their own time. In fact, said Renny, the reality is not like that.

“The fact is that it doesn’t happen,” said Renny. “You still have to be consistent like an employee. If you’re not consistent, you’ll lose orders. They forced to work consistently.”

“Furthermore, the flexible time is not occurred. For example, we start at 7am. We are told to be consistent for 8 hours, 9 hours at least. So the application must be on every day, from that time to that time. Be consistent, then the orders will be good.” Renny replied, “If it’s flexible, it’s free, there shouldn’t be a system like that.”

Applying for a job as an ojol driver at first glance seems easier than a formal job. In the past, when Renny first registered as an ojol driver, the only requirements needed were an ID card, driver’s license, and vehicle registration. With just a cellphone and an email, they were able to get a job as an ojol driver. There were no questions about age and educational background. As a result, many people, especially women, choose to become ojol drivers.

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The illusion of work flexibility as an ojol driver also shadows women. Many situations make women have to bear a double burden: working in the public sector while taking care of the household, including caring for children for those who are already mothers. If they work in the formal or industrial sector such as factory workers, they are faced with having to leave their children to work. While being an ojol driver, at first glance, it doesn’t seem like it. But the facts are not that true. Women who work as ojol drivers often have to bring their children to work.

“That’s just the assumption: that being flexible makes it easier for us to become ojol drivers. Because it’s okay if we bring our children. It’s different from working in a factory where you have to leave your children,” said Renny. For herself, she always does ojol with his children because she often takes food delivery orders.

At the beginning of its existence, the income as an ojol driver was very large. According to Renny, they used to get incentives. However, the system has now changed. “Because in the past, it was the applicators who needed us. Now, because the government cannot prepare good jobs, they find it difficult to work and choose to become ojol drivers.”

Time to Organize Female Ojol Drivers

One of the ojol applicator companies also has a priority feature for female ojol drivers. Renny said this was the result of their two-year demand to the applicator through the Ministry of Manpower.

They often hold actions and voice the fulfilment of the rights of female ojol drivers in demonstrations such as May Day. However, this also makes it more difficult for women to organize themselves because they are required to continue working.

“In Sukabumi itself, there is a priority feature for women. Those are indeed women (whose income becomes) fast. One of the ways that women are not easily organized; they are made to work constantly.”

As a result, female ojol drivers feel that the organization interferes with their productivity and work. On the other hand, they have to prioritize their families by keeping themselves busy at work.

“Organizing ojol women is more difficult than organizing men,” Renny admits. “Because, one, they don’t feel exploited. Even when we propagandize, campaign about how bad exploitation is. Women (say), ‘Ah, no, we’re fine’.”

Therefore, Renny changed her strategy. She organized women using a way that were closer to women. For example, through social gatherings or casual chats.

“For example, we invite through gathering in arisan (rotating saving in Indonesian culture), or ngeliwat (commensality eating practice for Sundanese)” said Renny. “They don’t know that they are actually being organized to be given awareness. But it’s more effective than organizing men through discussions and coffee.”

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Chat materials that lead to discussions about exploitation and deprivation of the rights of female ojol drivers must also be carefully crafted. The opening topic of the chat, said Renny, should start with ‘safe’ things about everyday life.

“In the chat, it will be inserted that leads to awareness about, ‘it’s important that you organize’. From the first time there were only 10 people, when the arisan increased to 15 people to more than 20. Those who didn’t want to gather, finally got together slowly.”

When awareness began to build, Renny encouraged the female ojol drivers to go public and voice their concerns. This method helped her get more women to speak up and fight back.

“If I convince my friends with ‘There is no need for us to fight for others. At least we fight for our own kitchen’,” Renny said. “If your kitchen is not conducive to the condition, and you are tired, you should at least fight from there. From your home.”

Beginning with conversations and complaints about the rising prices of chili and rice, they discussed the arbitrariness of the government and their fate as female ojol drivers in Sukabumi. Slowly but surely, the awareness and willingness to fight back blossomed.

“Even though it’s little by little, but at least I created the thoughts of these women to fight back in their own way as lady. Fight back in their own way as ojol drivers who, ‘Oh, we only have this much money’. A simple way,” said Renny. “It’s easier for them to accept than for us to look smarter. Saying about the law or else. Usually they leave immediately.”

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Renny hopes that online ojek or ojol drivers can be included in the working class. Because, they also need rights as workers.

“Especially for female drivers, we need to be protected because the state is responsible for us. As citizens and decent workers are our rights, the rights of ojol women,” said Renny. “And the state must protect that, must recognize that.”

The Ballad of Ojol Women in Yogyakarta

In Yogyakarta, ojol is the go-to vehicle for students who don’t have a motorcycle. The lack of public transportation facilities makes Yogyakarta residents rely on private motorbikes and ojol.

In Yogyakarta, a number of ojol women stated that they do not get a fixed salary from this job, but they have flexibility in working time, even though they work without protection and are vulnerable to harassment.

To monitor and meet the ojol, Konde.co journalists circled in areas that are crowded with the presence of ojol, such as in Malioboro or Yogyakarta Station and almost did not find ojol women there. There were more ojol men, either waiting while sitting in a group, sitting alone, or even falling asleep on their motorcycle seats. Meanwhile, ojol women can be seen roaming  around in the campus area. Is there any discrimination regarding the division of work areas?

“There is none. But there are mostly girls on campus. I have also taken passengers to the station. But I didn’t find any orders there,” said one of the female ojol drivers.

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On Thursday, April 24, 2025 morning, Konde.co met Yanti when her motorcycle turned after exiting the road lane of one of the campuses at Gadjah Mada University (UGM). When we were about to stop at the side of the road, she invited us to hurry up. Behind us, two campus security guards rode their motorcycles to patrol.

“Let’s find a place first,” said the woman riding an online motorcycle taxi (ojol), who was worried about being kicked out by the security guards if we stopped carelessly.

And under a shady tree in the northern area of UGM, we pulled over. Yanti took off her sunglasses, letting the wind hit her face.

“I can’t stand being told to stop. If I don’t get an order, I move again,” said Yanti, who lives in Sleman Regency, Yogyakarta Special Region.

The 50-year-old woman has been an ojol driver for five years, after her husband passed away. Previously, Yanti was a housewife who depended on her husband who was the backbone of the family.

“Automatically, I have to support myself because I don’t have children,” she said.

Ojol is her choice because it is more flexible in determining working time. She can leave or return home at any time.

“If you don’t (go to work), you don’t need permission,” she added.

Does it not affect the algorithm?

“For the ojol where I work, it doesn’t matter. We ourselves decide whether to go or not. There is no warning, unless it has been months. Or someone who has a debt (to the company) is constantly called. That’s another story,” she explained.

She used to start her day on the streets as early as 7 a.m. and return home before Maghrib. It wasn’t always smooth sailing. Yanti had several orders cancelled because she was a woman, while her customers were men.

“Oh, I’m looking for a male driver. That’s what the consumer said. It was cancelled after we met,” she admits.

In fact, often she has to travel quite a long distance to the customer’s place. But after meeting, it was cancelled. On the other hand, cancelations from male prospective passengers are not always experienced. There are also those who are willing to be carried by her. However, there are behaviours of some passengers that make her uncomfortable, such as suddenly grabbing her shoulders to get on the motorcycle seat.

“If you just grab it to help you get on, then that’s fine. As long as it doesn’t continue. If it continues, it’s different,” Yanti said.

Until one day, she got a passenger, a young man wearing shorts.

“He said he was really happy to have a female driver, this is the first time,” said Yanti.

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However, the passenger’s behaviour made Yanti uncomfortable, because the passenger’s sitting position is getting more and more forward so that it is close to his back.

“Forward, forward until I nudged it. Fortunately it was only (close),” said Yanti.

Nevertheless, the incident haunted her. Since then, Yanti has not dared to take passenger orders. Only orders to deliver packages or food are followed up.

“It’s uncomfortable,” she said.

Her fellow ojol friends continue to encourage her. She was motivated to want to accept passengers again.

“Come on Mbak, it’s okay Mbak, try again it’s okay, my friends said. In 2023, I want to take passengers again,” Yanti recalled.

Armed with positive thoughts, Yanti tried again. She even tried to ‘make peace’ with the current situation. Moreover, the order period then and now is much different. In the past, people were still busy using ojol services, now it is quiet. It’s like refusing (orders) in the past, but now I wait until I’m sleepy. To pick and choose orders again, ojol must think twice.

“Because there are also passengers who are uncomfortable getting female drivers. In fact, there are some who come here, Ma’am, I just ride with them,” she said.

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She is still experiencing order cancellation now. At least 1-2 times a day. But Yanti doesn’t know what the reason is.

“So the order came in. Just about to chat, suddenly it’s gone. Sometimes I have walked two kilometres, I want to get close to the location, it has been cancelled,” she said.

Meanwhile, Yanti tries to maintain her performance by not cancelling passenger orders. Except for taking passengers in distant locations, such as Magelang, Kulon Progo, and Gunungkidul. She chooses short distance locations, such as Yogyakarta, Bantul and Sleman.

“If it’s far away, I cancel, I don’t dare. That’s in terms of security. Even to YIA (Yogyakarta International Airport) in Kulon Progo, I cancelled,” said Yanti.

Not only for security reasons, Yanti also did not dare to pass through deserted areas.

“Afraid. Especially if you pass through rice fields, or there are big trees,” she admitted.

Not surprisingly, Yanti does not dare to take orders at night. Before Maghrib, as much as possible she had returned home. Meanwhile, some of her other ojol female friends have been taking orders for up to 24 hours.

“There are even those who often fall down. That’s tiredness. Usually sleepy,” she said.

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The absence of a comfortable place for ojol women to take a short break, according to Yanti, is also one of the causes. Although she prefers to be mobile, rather than stay in one place.

“If I want to rest, I go home,” she said, who as much as possible did not want to be on the streets until old age.

She usually goes home at 2pm to pray Zuhr, while charging her cell phone. Then after Asr, he leaves again. That’s how it is every day.

One of the ojol women in Yogyakarta waiting for an order, Thursday, April 24, 2025. Photo Konde.co/Pito Agustin Rudiana.

Erfi, 35, also chooses not to stop for long in a place. She also chooses to be mobile. If she is tired, she chooses to stop and take a short break at a burjo stall (food stall) or angkringan (street food). Even on the side of the road like when Konde.co met her that afternoon on the banks of the Mataram Sewer.

“And I can fall asleep in a burjo stall,” she recalled.

Erfi is a newcomer to the online ojek street world. She joined five months ago as a single parent of three children. One child followed her, the other two children followed her ex-husband.

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Becoming an ojol rider is a choice because of the more flexible working hours. At seven o’clock, she leaves to look for orders after taking her children to school. At 9:30 a.m., she turned off the app to pick up her children.

“I leave my child with my ex-in-laws, because I was asked to do so there. Then look for orders again,” said Erfi.

Then at 15.30, off again to pick up the child and return to her boarding house. Until the next day, she chose to stay at home to accompany her children. If her three children gathered and wanted to go for a walk together or just swim, Erfi chose to turn off the order application.

“When all the children want to come with me, I don’t work,” she admitted.

Even when she was menstruating, Erfi did not force herself to work. Moreover, she has cysts.

“I usually take a lot of time off. If it feels good, I go again. If it hurts, I stop, on this (side of the) road,” she said.

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But when working, Erfi is a persistent woman. She does not refuse orders, even if she has to go out of town. More often, she delivers packages to Kulon Progo, even areas in Central Java, such as Sukoharjo and Boyolali.

“If you go to Boyolali, it takes three hours. I can get 98,000, 99,000, 100,000,” said Erfi with a happy smile.

In fact, delivering packages and food was the first order she received while working. At that time, she could not read the map in the application.

“Alhamdulillah, so far it has been safe. If we have a history of long trips, if there is a long order, it will definitely come to us,” she said, who always wraps her body in an ojol jacket and wears a mask.

Not infrequently, she also invites his child after school to participate in delivering packages that are located far away.

“Yes, we take our children for a walk. The problem is usually when it rains,” she said.

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The rest of the time, she used to leave her children with friends at the boarding house or with her ex-husband. Now she also accepts passenger orders. So far, she has not experienced any uncomfortable passenger behaviour, such as sexual harassment.

“Alhamdulillah, never. This ojol application can prioritize women. So if we are female drivers, then around us there is a girl who orders, she will automatically go to us. So women are prioritized,” she explained.

She shows the menu on her smartphone application that can be switched on and off. On the other hand, if there is a male passenger who orders the service, she can be included in the notification.

“Alhamdulillah, they are nice. Sometimes they offered to be a driver, that’s not a problem. The important thing is to be careful,” said Erfi.

Konde.co Research: The Situation of Ojol Women

Conducted at the end of April 2025, Konde.co’s research shows a multidimensional series of problems that cross based on gender, family status, and social class experienced by ojol women.

Ojol women, for example, are subjected to a double burden, doing both public and domestic work to the point of burnout. As women and often heads of households, they face gender discrimination in public spaces and economic pressures. Low income, long working hours, and intertwined domestic responsibilities. These conditions are exacerbated by state policies that regard them as “partners”.

These women workers find themselves in the precariat, caught between unclear labor relations and unpaid domestic responsibilities. As such, their vulnerability is structural and multidimensional.

Another major challenge faced by female ojol drivers is closely related to gender discrimination and traditional expectations. A total of 26 respondents (86.7% of the sample) complained that orders were often cancelled just because they were women.

Konde.co’s research also illustrates that female drivers often face sexual harassment or verbal violence.

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In the survey, 43.4% of respondents experienced some form of harassment (6.7% were harassed often, 6.7% sometimes, 30% once or twice), while 56.6% said never. When faced with harassment, the majority (54.5%) of female drivers chose to talk to friends or the community as a way to vent their emotions and seek support. Only 22.7% dared to officially report to the applicator, the remaining 18.2% chose to remain silent or did not know where to go, and 4.5% took spontaneous actions such as speeding up and giving one star to a naughty customer.

This condition shows that the dominant informal coping method, namely solidarity between drivers, is the main outlet. Not daring to report is not without reason, in addition to the fear of being terminated from the partnership, the reporting mechanism at the platform company also has no guarantee of results.

In the age of platform capitalism, company control is not through workers or police, but through algorithms.

Konde.co’s research data found that 63.7% of female drivers have experienced algorithmic punishment, with 27.3% often being suspended or limited in features, 36.4% several times, and 36.4% never. The punishment is often without clarity because the algorithm is considered neutral. In addition, 90% of respondents think that the ojol system only benefits the applicator, while only 10% see benefits for both parties.

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These results further emphasize that the platform transfers risks to workers, the burden of operational costs such as gasoline, illness, broken machines is borne by the driver, but the company collects huge profits.

From the results of this research, Konde.co then contacted Gojek through its Corcomm, Michael Reza, and from Grab, April 30, 2025, to find out their responses. However, until this news was revealed, they had not yet responded

(Picture: Konde.co/Luthfi Maulana Adhari)

KONDE.CO’S TIM
Writer: Salsabila Putri Pertiwi, Pito Agustin Rudiana, Luviana Ariyanti
Researcher Luthfi Maulana Adhari, Laras Ciptaning Kinasih
Grafis: Fiona Wiputri
Editor: Luviana

Translator: Theresia Pratiwi Elingsetyo Sanubari